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中山大便出血有几种情况
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发布时间: 2025-05-24 15:14:57北京青年报社官方账号
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  中山大便出血有几种情况   

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) - California lawmakers have voted to move the 2020 presidential primary to March to give the nation's most populous state more influence in choosing nominees.The bill approved early Saturday will now go to Gov. Jerry Brown for consideration. He has not said if he will sign it.California's 2016 primary fell in June after Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton were already the presumptive nominees.The new bill would move the contests to the Tuesday after the first Monday in March.In the 2016 contest, that would have fallen on "Super Tuesday," the first major day of nominating contests following early primaries in Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina and Nevada.California awards more delegates in the Democratic and Republican primaries than any other state. 789

  中山大便出血有几种情况   

Rocker Neil Young is “reconsidering” an earlier decision not to legally challenge the Trump administration for using his music at events.In an open letter from Young posted to NeilYoungArchives.com, he says he changed his mind following the decision to send federal forces to Portland.“Trump has no respect for our Military. They are not to be used on the streets of America against law abiding citizens for a Political charade orchestrated by a challenged President,” the open letter reads.Young considered requesting the Trump campaign to stop playing his songs after the president used it to announce his presidential bid in 2015. At the time, Young and his manager said the song was used without authorization. But ultimately they decided not to pursue legal action.Attendees at the July 3 event at Mount Rushmore tweeted about the use of Young’s music at the event ahead of President Trump’s speech. Young responded "This is NOT ok with me” in retweeting the mentions. 981

  中山大便出血有几种情况   

RICHMOND, Va. (AP) — By the time drug enforcement agents swooped into his small medical office in Martinsville, Virginia, in 2017, Dr. Joel Smithers had prescribed about a half a million doses of highly addictive opioids in two years.Patients from five states drove hundreds of miles to see him, spending up to 16 hours on the road to get prescriptions for oxycodone and other powerful painkillers."He's done great damage and contributed ... to the overall problem in the heartland of the opioid crisis," said Christopher Dziedzic, a supervisory special agent for the Drug Enforcement Administration who oversaw the investigation into Smithers.In the past two decades, opioids have killed about 400,000 Americans, ripped families apart and left communities — many in Appalachia — grappling with ballooning costs of social services like law enforcement, foster care and drug rehab.Smithers, a 36-year-old married father of five, is facing the possibility of life in prison after being convicted in May of more than 800 counts of illegally prescribing drugs, including the oxycodone and oxymorphone that caused the death of a West Virginia woman. When he is sentenced Wednesday, the best Smithers can hope for is a mandatory minimum of 20 years.Authorities say that, instead of running a legitimate medical practice, Smithers headed an interstate drug distribution ring that contributed to the opioid abuse epidemic in West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Tennessee and Virginia.In court filings and at trial, they described an office that lacked basic medical supplies, a receptionist who lived out of a back room during the work week, and patients who slept outside and urinated in the parking lot.At trial, one woman who described herself as an addict compared Smithers' practice to pill mills she frequented in Florida."I went and got medication without — I mean, without any kind of physical exam or bringing medical records, anything like that," the woman testified.A receptionist testified that patients would wait up to 12 hours to see Smithers, who sometimes kept his office open past midnight. Smithers did not accept insurance and took in close to 0,000 in cash and credit card payments over two years."People only went there for one reason, and that was just to get pain medication that they (could) abuse themselves or sell it for profit," Dziedzic said.The opioid crisis has been decades in the making and has been fueled by a mix of prescription and street drugs.From 2000 to 2010, annual deaths linked to prescription opioids increased nearly fourfold. By the 2010s, with more crackdowns on pill mills and more restrictive guidelines on prescriptions, the number of prescriptions declined. Then people with addictions turned to even deadlier opioids. But the number of deaths tied to prescription opioids didn't begin to decline until last year, according to data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.Martinsville, where Smithers set up shop, has been particularly hard hit.A city of about 14,000 near Virginia's southern border, Martinsville once was a thriving furniture and textile manufacturing center that billed itself as the "Sweatshirt Capital of the World." But when factories began closing in the 1990s, thousands of jobs were lost. Between 2006 and 2012, the city had the nation's third-highest number of opioid pills received per capita, according to an Associated Press analysis of federal data.Andrew Kolodny, a Brandeis University doctor who has long been critical of opioids, said that in recent years, doctors became less comfortable writing lots of opioid prescriptions and many big prescribers retired. That opened an opportunity for others."If you're one of the guys still doing this," he said, "you're going to have tons of patients knocking down your door."During his trial, Smithers testified that after he moved to Virginia, he found himself flooded with patients from other states who said many nearby pain clinics had been shut down. Smithers said he reluctantly began treating these patients, with the goal of weaning them off high doses of immediate-release drugs.He acknowledged during testimony that he sometimes wrote and mailed prescriptions for patients he had not examined but insisted that he had spoken to them over the phone.Once, he met a woman in the parking lot of a Starbucks, she handed him 0 and he gave her a prescription for fentanyl, an opioid pain reliever that is 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine.When area pharmacists started refusing to fill prescriptions written by Smithers, he directed patients to far-flung pharmacies, including two in West Virginia. Prosecutors say Smithers also used some patients to distribute drugs to other patients. Four people were indicted in Kentucky on conspiracy charges.At his trial, Smithers portrayed himself as a caring doctor who was deceived by some patients."I learned several lessons the hard way about trusting people that I should not have trusted," he said.Smithers' lawyer told the judge he had been diagnosed with depression and anxiety. Family members said through a spokesperson that they believe his decisions were influenced by personal stress, and emotional and mental strain.Even before he opened his Martinsville practice in August 2015, Smithers had raised suspicions. West Virginia authorities approached him in June 2015 about a complaint with his practice there, but when they returned the next day with a subpoena, they found his office cleaned out and a dumpster filled with shredded papers and untested urine samples.Some of Smithers' patients have remained fiercely loyal to him, insisting their severe chronic pain was eased by the powerful painkillers he prescribed.Lennie Hartshorn Jr., the father of the West Virginia woman who died two days after taking drugs Smithers prescribed, testified for the defense.Hartshorn said his daughter, Heather Hartshorn, told someone "she would rather be dead than in pain all the time." According to a form Heather Hartshorn filled out when she went to see Smithers, she had chronic pain in her lower back, legs, hips and neck from a severe car accident and a fall.When asked by Smithers' lawyer if he blames Smithers for anything, Lennie Hartshorn said he does not.Smithers has been denied bond while he awaits sentencing. His attorney did not respond to inquiries from AP. Smithers has said he plans to appeal.____Associated Press reporters Geoff Mulvihill and Riin Aljas contributed to this story. 6501

  

RICHMOND, Va. -- The governor of Virginia is calling on the state's school districts to change school names and mascots that honor Confederate leaders.In a July 6 letter addressed to Virginia School Board Chairs, Gov. Ralph Northam compared the Confederate school names to Confederate statues, saying they have a traumatizing impact on students, families, teachers and staff of all backgrounds."When our public schools are named after individuals who advanced slavery and systemic racism, and we allow those names to remain on school property, we tacitly endorse their values as our own. This is no longer acceptable," Northam wrote.The governor said the names also perpetuate the hurt woven into a past of slavery and racism and sends students a clear message on "what we value the most.""Recognizing the harmful impact these school names have on our children, I am calling on school boards to evaluate the history behind your school names," Northam wrote."The financial costs of changing school names are minimal compared to the generations that suffered through American slavery, the Confederacy, the Jim-Crow era, massive resistance, and contemporary manifestation of systemic racism, like the school to prison pipeline," he added.Northam says he is looking forward to working with the school leaders to create a Commonwealth reflective of the values Virginians hold most true today."Now is the time to change them to reflect the inclusive, diverse, and welcoming school community every child deserves, and that we as leaders of the Commonwealth, have a civic duty to foster."State Superintendent James Lane echoed the governor's sentiment in a statement Tuesday.“Our schools should be welcoming to all students, and the names and mascots of our schools should not promote a history of racism,” Lane said. “I believe that the governor’s letter will prompt overdue conversations about inclusiveness in the few divisions that still have buildings with Confederate names.”There is currently a lawsuit, filed by the Hanover County NAACP chapter, challenging the use of Confederate names and imagery at Lee-Davis High School and Stonewall Jackson Middle School.The lawsuit argues the nicknames violates students' first amendment rights.A hearing in that lawsuit is scheduled for March of 2021.In Henrico County, Douglas freeman High School is asking for input from students, families, and alumni on potentially changing their nickname, the Rebels.This story was originally published by Vernon Freeman Jr. at WTVR. 2520

  

Rudy Giuliani just contradicted the White House and the Justice Department on a very sensitive subject: The AT&T-Time Warner deal."The president denied the merger," Giuliani, a new member of President Trump's legal team, said in an interview with HuffPost on Friday.Giuliani was seemingly trying to defend the president against any suggestion that Michael Cohen improperly influenced the administration after the revelation that Cohen, Trump's longtime personal attorney, was paid large sums of money by AT&T and several other corporate clients."Whatever lobbying was done didn't reach the president," Giuliani said, repeating a claim he made to CNN's Dana Bash on Thursday.But then Giuliani went further, telling HuffPost's S.V. Date that "he did drain the swamp... The president denied the merger. They didn't get the result they wanted."In other words: If AT&T hired Cohen to win government approval of the deal, AT&T wasted its 0,000.But the assertion that "the president denied the merger" flies in the face of everything the government has previously said about the deal."If Giuliani didn't misspeak, this is major news," former federal prosecutor Renato Mariotti tweeted Friday night. "It is highly unusual for the president to be involved in DOJ merger decisions."It is possible that Giuliani misspoke, or that he simply does not know what he's talking about. He was not working for Trump at the time the Justice Department was reviewing the deal. Since he began representing Trump, he has had to change the story he has been telling in public about Stormy Daniels and what Trump knew or didn't know and when about the payment Cohen made to her. And he may simply have meant "the president" as a stand-in for "the administration."But this is not the first time that there have been questions about whether politics and Trump influenced the DOJ's decision.On the day AT&T announced its bid to buy Time Warner, the parent company of CNN, then-candidate Trump said he opposed the deal. So when he took office, there were concerns within AT&T and Time Warner that he or his aides would try to block the deal.AT&T said earlier this week that it hired Cohen, in part, to gain "insights" about the Trump administration's thinking about the deal.Throughout 2017, career officials at the Justice Department's antitrust division conducted a standard review of the proposed deal.The DOJ traditionally operates with a lot of independence. But there were persistent questions about possible political interference, especially in light of the president's well-publicized disdain for both CNN and attorney general Jeff Sessions.Still, AT&T and Time Warner executives believed the deal would receive DOJ approval, much like Comcast's acquisition of NBCUniversal did nearly a decade ago. By October, they thought the thumbs-up was right around the corner.They were wrong. In November, the DOJ went to court to block the deal, alleging that the combination of the two companies would give AT&T too much power in the marketplace.That's when questions about Trump's hidden hand really got louder. Democratic lawmakers raised alarms. So did AT&T and Time Warner. Other critics pointed out Trump's complaints about Sessions and the DOJ. Trump had recently been quoted saying "I'm not supposed to be involved in the Justice Department," adding, "I'm not supposed to be doing the kinds of things I would LOVE to be doing, and I'm very frustrated by it."But White House aides like Kellyanne Conway insisted that the White House was not interfering.The DOJ's antitrust chief, Makan Delrahim, said the same thing. He denied being influenced by Trump.In an affidavit, Delrahim said "all of my decisions" about suing to block the deal "have been made on the merits, without regard to political considerations."Ahead of the trial, AT&T and Time Warner sought discovery on any relevant communications between the White House and the Justice Department. But a judge denied the request, and the companies dropped any argument that the case was motivated by politics.The Justice Department and AT&T had no immediate comment Friday night.The-CNN-Wire 4182

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