武清治疗包皮天津武清区龙济(天津市龙济外科泌尿) (今日更新中)

A shop assistant checks hundred yuan bank notes at a shop in Xiangfan, central China's Hubei province in this file photo. [Reuters]A senior U.S. Treasury official warned Congress on Thursday that a legislative drive to force China into letting its currency rise in value more quickly could backfire and do damage to the U.S. economy. Deputy Assistant Treasury Secretary Mark Sobel warned a House of Representative trade subcommittee that U.S. lawmakers risked creating a perception abroad that the United States is becoming "an isolationist nation" that does deserve foreign investment. "If the United States adopts currency legislation that is perceived abroad as unilateralist, investors' confidence in the openness of our economy could be dampened, diminishing capital inflows into the United States and potentially putting upward pressure on interest rates and prices," Sobel said. However, Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee Chairman Sander Levin, a Michigan Democrat, objected to the administration's description of congressional proposals as protectionist, and other lawmakers testifying on Thursday argued China's "unfair" trade practices required a strong U.S. legislative response. Two Senate committees have already approved legislation that aims to equip Treasury with new tools to pressure China into letting its yuan currency rise faster in value, which U.S. manufacturers say is necessary to eliminate an unfair price advantage for Chinese-made goods. Rep. Tim Ryan, an Ohio Democrat, said Congress should pass an even stronger bill -- such as one he has crafted with Rep. Duncan Hunter, a California Republican -- that would allow U.S. companies to seek countervailing duties against China's undervalued exchange rate. "Passage of a weak bill will only lead to many more years of inaction by the administration, loss of jobs and loss of critical U.S. manufacturing capability. We need legislation that will lead to action," Ryan said. A Republican committee member, Rep. Thomas Reynolds of New York, said there was bipartisan support for taking a tougher line with China than Treasury has followed so far. "Be ready for the fact that there's a boiling point in the Congress coming from the people of America saying we need to do better than what's happened so far," Reynolds said. After the hearing, Levin told reporters that House leaders would decide when Congress returns in September the best way to proceed with China currency and trade legislation. "I think we will look at all options," including the Ryan-Hunter bill, Levin said. He expressed confidence that Congress could craft legislation that presses China on the currency issue without violating World Trade Organization rules. But Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson has made clear that he does not want the additional legislative tools and that he prefers to seek a faster pace of economic reform in China through discussion, especially in a "strategic economic dialogue" that he initiated with Beijing last December. Sobel's appearance before the House subcommittee was a bid by Treasury to wave off more legislation in Congress, where anger at China has been mounting and has helped fuel the bid to force Beijing into faster currency appreciation. "We appreciate the frustrations of Congress with the slow pace of Chinese reform. Indeed, we strongly share those frustrations," Sobel said. "Yet we continue to believe that direct, robust engagement with China is the best means of achieving progress." Paulson has just returned on Wednesday night from his fourth trip to China since taking over Treasury just over a year ago. Again he was unable to persuade Chinese officials to offer any commitment to speed up currency reforms. Paulson told reporters in Beijing that Chinese officials whom he met, including President Hu Jintao, intended to move ahead with economic reforms including on currency but that the country's economic stability was critically important. The failure to get firm Chinese promises on currency has fed into a sense in Congress that China does not play fair on trade rules. Sobel said Paulson had "conveyed a strong message about the need for far more vigorous action by China to correct the undervaluation of renminbi (RMB), take immediate action to lift the RMB's value and achieve far greater currency flexibility." China's yuan is also known as the renminbi. David Spooner, the Commerce Department's assistant secretary for import administration, echoed some of Sobel's worry that Congress's actions could rebound against the United States because they might violate global trade rules. "I must make clear that the Department of Commerce is deeply concerned that the other legislative proposals that have been advanced to date raise serious concerns under international trade rules," Spooner said, adding that could trigger a global cycle of protectionist legislation. Similarly, the U.S. Trade Representative's deputy general counsel, Daniel Brinza, warned that Congress needed to beware approving legislative proposals that did not comply with rules set by the World Trade Organization. Doing so would undermine U.S. credibility when it tries to persuade others to abide by WTO rulings, Brinza said.

Chief judge Xiao Yang has pledged to keep up the fight against judicial corruption after the nation's court system rooted out 292 judges last year because of unethical deeds. Greater efforts would be made this year to build a "clean court system", Xiao, president of the Supreme People's Court (SPC), said in an interview with China Daily. "We must never relax our vigilance on corruption," he said, after he reported to the National People's Congress in early March that, last year, 292 judges were subjected to power abuse investigations, with 109 of them prosecuted. The number of judges charged with corruption was 378 in 2005 and 461 in 2004. However, Xiao, who has been SFC president since 1998, said he had ongoing fears about the "grave situation" of judicial corruption. The 69-year-old chief judge said he "lost sleep" because he was so deeply disturbed by reports of corruption, especially those involving court officials. Corruption involving judges, though in small number, damaged the image of the country's court system and undermined the credibility of the justice system. "We will continue to be serious in handling the official corruption cases," he said. In 2006, two high-level group corruption cases were reported by the Chinese court system. The first involved three top judges from Fuyang Intermediate People's Court in East China's Anhui Province, who were arrested for taking bribes since 2005. Two of the former judges were sentenced to 9 and 10 years respectively, with the other one still on trial. The second case involved five senior judges from Shenzhen's Intermediate People's Court in South China. Three of them were sentenced to jail terms ranging from 3.5 to 11 years, with the other two still on trial. Corrupt judges have disrupted the working of the court system and sometimes resulted in wrong verdicts, Xiao said. A "firewall" against corruption will be consolidated, he said, with the apex court on its way to make four important sets of rules on fee charges, court discipline, judge discipline, and court supervision. The first two sets of rules will be implemented this year, with the other two released for public comment. Of the new rules to be released, he said, court officials are barred from using their influence to seek price discounts in any transactions, to occupy properties under other people's ownership, to collect or to spend money through gambling, to have personal investment managers, or to seek benefits for their family members. Also, beginning last year, the court introduced an "anti-corruption deposit" system. If a 22-year-old court staff member deposits 500 yuan () every year and does not do anything illegal, he will get 300,000 yuan (,600) upon retirement - including his premium and reward.

After 18 months of deliberation and public consultation, legislators passed the long-awaited Labor Contract Law on Friday to improve workers' basic rights. The law, which would take effect on January 1 next year, won 145 of the 146 votes of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC). One vote was not cast. The new law is considered the most significant change in the country's labor rules in more than a decade. It establishes standards for labor contracts, use of temporary workers and severance pay. It makes mandatory the use of written contracts and strongly discourages fixed-term contracts. According to the law, severance should be paid if a fixed-term contract expires but is not renewed without an appropriate reason. It is also stipulated that employers must submit proposed workplace rules or changes concerning pay, work allotment, hours, insurance, safety and holidays to the workers' congress for discussion. After the recent exposure of forced labor in brick kilns in Central and North China, the final draft added stipulations that government officials guilty of abuse of office and dereliction of duty would face administrative penalties or criminal prosecution. Xin Chunying, deputy chairperson of the NPC Law Committee, said the law is not intended to replace the current Labor Law but rather, to further standardize labor contracts in favor of employees. Li Yuan, one of the legislators in charge of drafting the law, said the law targeted bosses and officials who exploited workers. The draft law was first proposed in 2005 amid complaints that companies were mistreating workers by withholding pay, requiring unpaid overtime or failing to provide written contracts. Many workers were also becoming trapped in short-term contracts. Last March, the draft was made public for consultation, and legislators received about 192,000 public responses in a month. Only the Constitution, drafted in 1954, received more. However, business lobbies are worried that stricter contract requirements could raise costs and give them less flexibility to hire and fire employees. Both the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China and the American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai (AmCham Shanghai) had made submissions to the NPC, suggesting the law might exert negative influence on foreign investment in China. In a letter to the NPC last year, Serge Janssens de Varebeke, then-president of the European Union chamber, warned the "strict" regulations could force foreign companies to "reconsider new investments or continuing their activities in China" because of possible cost increases. But Xin said there wouldn't be a substantial cost increase for companies that strictly follow the existing Labor Law. "All the principles have been included in the current law. The new law just details the provisions to facilitate implementation," she said.

In the hall of the so-called "Tibetan government in exile" in Dharamsala, India, there is a large map of the supposed "greater Tibet area".The area covers the Tibet Autonomous Region and Qinghai Province, one-fifth of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, one-third of Gansu Province, two-thirds of Sichuan Province and one-fourth of Yunnan Province, spanning about 2.4 million sq km and nearly a quarter of China's territory.Holidaymakers take photos with digital cameras near the Potala Palace in Lhasa, the Tibet Autonomous Region. [China Daily] The ** Lama has advocated a "high degree of autonomy" for Tibet in such a geographic scope and made it a preliminary condition for any negotiation with the central government. But such an idea is totally absurd for three major reasons.First, the distribution and the layout of the Tibetan population and the administrative divisions were formed during the long process of historical development; there is no historical basis for an administrative division such as "greater Tibet area".Archaeological excavation and documentation show the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau area has long been inhabited and has a diversified culture.In the Sui Dynasty (AD 581-618) and the Tang Dynasty (AD 618-907), the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau was an area cohabited by different ethnic groups.The regime of Tubo Kingdom (AD 629-840) coexisted with others such as the Tang Dynasty, Uighur and Nanzhao, in a territory cohabited by various ethnic groups and tribes.The headquarters and the main area of jurisdiction of the Tubo Kingdom basically constitutes the Tibet Autonomous Region today while other dependent territory is the region inhabited or cohabited by various ethnic groups.During the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368), three chief military commands (three Pacification Commissioner's Offices) were established in areas with Tibetan traditions, namely U-Tsang Ngari, Amdo and Lhams, the divisions of which were carried out in the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) and laid the base for the administrative division of today's Tibet and other Tibetan administrative divisions.The Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) further defined the boundary between Tibet, Sichuan and Yunnan. In 1731 the Qing government divided the border of the areas under the jurisdiction of the grand minister resident of Tibet and the grand minister superintendent of Xining. The administrative division of Tibet has not changed much since.Second, the so-called administrative region of "greater Tibet area" is a historical product of the invasion by imperial powers. From 1913 to 1914, the British-instigated Simla Conference was held, which brought up the concept of the so-called "greater Tibet area" - that the territory of Tibet covers part of Xinjiang to the south of Kunlun Mountains and the Anding Tower, the whole of Qinghai Province, the western areas of Gansu and Sichuan provinces, and Dajianlu and Adunzi in the northwest of Yunnan Province.When this was rejected by the representative of the Chinese government, Britain proposed again to divide the Tibetan-inhabited areas of China into inner Tibet and outer Tibet. The former referred to the small parts in Yunnan, Qinghai and Xikang, where the central government would enjoy dominion; outer Tibet included U-Tsang, Ngari and most of Xikang, which was to be governed by the Tibetans themselves.This shows that from the very beginning, the so-called "greater Tibet area" has been a separatist plot. Even the weak Northern Warlords government of China saw through the imperialist trick to split China and refused to sign the convention. How will Chinese people today allow the government to accept such an imposition?Third, there is no possibility for realization of an administrative region such as "greater Tibet area". Since the New China was founded, the central government, on the one side, has followed historical divisions, and on the other, according to the requirements of the Constitution and the Law of Regional Autonomy for Ethnic Minorities, considered the various factors for the economic, political and cultural development of the Tibetan-inhabited areas to establish eight Tibetan autonomous prefectures, one Mongolian and Tibetan autonomous prefecture, one Tibetan and Qiang autonomous prefecture, two Tibetan autonomous counties and the Tibet Autonomous Region through full discussion of people's representatives from various regions.In the past half-century, as the administrative divisions were well set, the system of regional autonomy for ethnic minorities has been gradually improved and guaranteed the equal rights of Tibetans and other ethnic groups living in the region.It has promoted national unity and social economic development and given full support by the Tibetan people and other ethnic groups.The ** Lama, however, has been insisting on the establishment of a political entity in Tibetan-inhabited areas to build an "alliance" relationship with China, requiring all other ethnic groups to move out of the so-called "greater Tibet area" and millions of people to give up their ancestral homes.This is not only an attempt to change the current relation between the central and the local government, but also a move to implement ethnic discrimination and ethnic cleansing. We must learn from the slaughters and bloodshed caused by ethnic conflicts and disputes the world over.Then why does the ** Lama insist on this groundless and impossible concept of "greater Tibet area"? There are at least two reasons. One is that many of the Tibetan people exiled with the ** Lama in 1959 are from Tibetan areas outside the Tibet Autonomous Region. The ** Lama needs to set a common illusion of "a united, independent and free Tibet" to buy these people's support. The other reason is that the claim was designed by their foreign bosses and they, as their flunkies, dare not disobey it.The ** Lama and his followers in his "government in exile" have often expressed their recognition of the Simla Conference. Therefore, the so-called "greater Tibet area" in essence is "semi-independent" or in "disguised independence", which aims to serve the open and complete "Tibet Independence" and disunite a quarter of China's territory in future.But the ** Lama and his alike do not really understand that the political claims they make against historical development and reality to please their foreign bosses, no matter under what splendid banners, are only "medieval fantasies" that go against the time and the interests of Tibetan people as well as people of all ethnic groups in China. The Chinese government will not be fooled!

来源：资阳报