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In the race towards a COVID-19 vaccine, there have been a lot of hurdles. In the spring months, it was learning about a novel virus: how it spreads and affects the body. Then, it was developing a vaccine that was not only effective but safe.Now that Pfizer and Moderna have both announced vaccines with nearly 95-percent efficacy, the challenge is not developing one, but rather getting people to actually get the vaccines.“Maybe 10-15 percent of people are just never going to go get a vaccine because they feel strongly against it,” said Katy Milkman, a professor at the Wharton School of Business at the University of Pennsylvania.Earlier in the summer, 72 percent of Americans said they would take a COVID-19 vaccine, according to a study by the Pew Research Center. But in the months that have followed, that number has steadily declined. Now, according to a recent Gallup poll conducted in early November, 42 percent of Americans said they would not get an FDA-approved COVID-19 vaccine. 1001

It’s all hands on deck during harvest time at Infinite Harvest.This indoor, hydroponic farm in Colorado specializes in microgreens, young vegetables grown in a controlled environment and cropped shortly after they’ve sprouted.Production manager Luke Blough says microgreen sales have quadrupled in the past nine months with more consumers becoming more health, sustainability and environmentally conscious.“We kind of check all three of those boxes,” he said. “Our microgreen products are very nutrient dense; very flavorful. They’re sustainably grown locally and we have less environmental impact.”There's less environmental impact because of the way they’re grown. Stacking shelves of microgreens and growing them under LED lights means using about 95% less land than traditional farming.This method is catching on nationally.“Consumers are becoming more interested in microgreens,” said Sarah A. Johnson, Ph.D., with the food science and human nutrition department at Colorado State University. “They’re a relatively new agricultural food crop.”.In addition to the nutritional and environmental benefits, Johnson’s team found that microgreens could have major impacts in urban areas by making fresh produce more easily available to areas considered food deserts.“I think they have a lot of potential to kind of pop up all over the place,” she said. “Not just with these large companies but with smaller sort of pop-up, start-up companies as well.”As more farmers look to avoid unpredictable weather and leave less of a carbon footprint, experts predict microgreen consumption will continue growing nationwide“There are a couple of things we can do in a controlled environment that you can’t really do when you’re at the mercy of Mother Nature,” Blough said. 1768

It's the unofficial start of summer as swimming pools, beaches and amusement parks flood with travelers for the Memorial Day Weekend, but there is one thing that might deter travelers this year. The price of gas is at its highest levels in four years, says AAA, but the sudden increase in gas does not mean that everyone will have a more expensive trip. AAA says that airfare is down 7 percent from Memorial Day Weekend of 2017 for the top domestic routes. Rental car rates are also 11 percent lower this year. AAA affiliated hotels are also showing upwards of a 14 percent savings from last year. Overall, 41.5 million Americans are expected to travel this Memorial Day Weekend, which is up nearly 5 percent. Even with gas up 56 cents nationwide from last year, AAA expects a 4.7 percent increase in the number of travelers by car.“The highest gas prices since 2014 won’t keep travelers home this Memorial Day weekend,” said Bill Sutherland, senior vice president, AAA Travel and Publishing. “A strong economy and growing consumer confidence are giving Americans all the motivation they need to kick off what we expect to be a busy summer travel season with a Memorial Day getaway.”If traveling by car, you'll find the cheapest gas in the South and Southern Plains. The average price of gas in those states is still below .75 per gallon. The most expensive gas is out west, topping out at .71 in California. Despite gas almost reaching nationally, prices are still far cheaper than in 2014 when the average price of a gallon of gas in the United States was .65. 1609

It may not be as oft-quoted as the First Amendment or as contested as the Second Amendment, but the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution plays a critical role in supporting some of our closest-held notions of American freedom and equality.For one, it clearly states that American citizenship is a birthright for all people who are born on American soil -- something that President Donald Trump has announced he wants to end. Not only would this unravel 150 years of American law, it would loosen a significant cornerstone of the Constitution's interpretation of American identity.In order to better understand this part of the 14th Amendment, we asked two experts in constitutional and immigration law to walk us through the first section. The amendment has five sections, but we will only be dealing with the first, which contains the Citizenship Clause and three other related clauses.But first, some historyThe 14th Amendment is known as a Reconstruction amendment, because it was added to the Constitution after the Civil War in 1868. That places it at an important historical crossroads, when lingering wounds of divisiveness and animosity still plagued the nation and the reality of a post-slavery America begged contentious racial and social questions."Thomas Jefferson said men were created equal, but the original Constitution betrayed that promise by allowing for slavery," says Jeffrey Rosen. "The 13th, 14th and 15th amendments were designed to enshrine Lincoln's promise of a new America."However, as so often is the case, this reaffirmed American ideal fell short of reality. Rosen notes that issues of civil rights and equal treatment continued to be denied to African Americans, LGBT people and other citizens for more than a century after the amendment's ratification.And Erika Lee points out that Native Americans weren't even allowed to become citizens until 1925."Even as [these amendments] were written, obviously there were major built-in inequalities and maybe at the time weren't intended to apply to everyone," Lee says.Why was citizenship by birthright such an important concept?"Citizenship was a central question left open by the original Constitution," says Rosen. "At the time it was written, the Constitution assumed citizenship, but it didn't provide any rules for it. In the infamous Dred Scott decision, the Chief Justice said African Americans can't be citizens of the US and 'had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.'"The US Supreme Court's ruling in the Dred Scott case, named for a slave who unsuccessfully sued for his freedom, has since been widely condemned.READ MORE: Scott v. Sandford"The 14th Amendment was designed to overturn this decision and define citizenship once and for all, and it was based on birthright," Rosen says. "It is really important that it's a vision of citizenship based on land rather than blood. It is an idea that anyone can be an American if they commit themselves to our Constitutional values."What does it mean to be "subject to the jurisdiction thereof?"According to Rosen, this is one of the greatest questions of citizenship. There are two clear examples of people not subject to the jurisdictions of the United States: diplomats and their children, and -- at the time of the 14th Amendment -- Native Americans, who were not recognized as part of the American populace."With those two exceptions, everyone who was physically present in the United States was thought to be under its jurisdiction," Rosen says. "There are numerous Supreme Court cases that reaffirm that understanding, and almost as importantly, there are lots of congressional statutes that assume birthright citizenship."Some scholars, like John Eastman of the Claremont Institute's Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, have argued that children of illegal immigrants are not "subject to the jurisdiction" of the US and thus should not be considered citizens under the Constitution.But Rosen says this is a minority view among constitutional scholars of all political backgrounds."While the Supreme Court has not explicitly ruled [on the instance of children of illegal immigrants], Congress has passed all kinds of laws presuming their citizenship," Rosen says.What is the connection between birthright citizenship and immigration?In 1898, 30 years after the 14th Amendment was adopted, the Supreme Court reached a defining decision in a case known as the United States v. Wong Kim Ark. Lee explains that Wong Kim Ark was the American-born son of Chinese immigrants."Asian immigrants were the first immigrants to the US that couldn't be considered white," Lee says. "So they are treated differently. They are taxed differently, they are stripped of many rights. In the 1880s, they are excluded from immigration and barred from citizenship."READ MORE: The United States v. Wong Kim ArkSo, the main question of the case was, could a person born in America be a citizen in a place where his parents could not be as well? The Supreme Court decided yes, and the case remains the first defining legal decision made under the banner of birthright citizenship."[The Supreme Court's decision] said that the right of citizenship is not a matter of inheritance, that it never descends from generation to generation, it is related to where you're born," Lee says. "It's about the power of place. That has been a very expansive, and at the time, a corrective measure to a more exclusionary definition both legally as well as culturally as to what an American is."Why must it be stated that the privileges of citizenship need to be protected?Before the Civil War, states didn't necessarily have to follow the provisions stated in the Bill of Rights; only Congress had to. The 14th Amendment changed that."This second sentence of the Amendment means that states have to respect the Bill of Rights as well as basic civil rights and the rights that come along with citizenship," Rosen says. "The idea was that there were rights that were so basic; so integral to citizenship that they could not be narrowed by the states."Despite the promises and protections of citizenship, Lee says it is abundantly clear that different racial groups were, and often are, seen as unable or unworthy to function as true American citizens. After all, basic rights of citizenship, like suffrage and equal treatment, were denied certain racial groups for a hundred years after the 14th Amendment."The idea of a law applying to 'all people' seems to be clear. But in reality, the debate and the laws and practices that get established are very much based on a hierarchy of, well sure, all persons, but some are more fit and some are more deserving than others," she says.Throughout history, Asian immigrants, Mexican immigrants, Muslim immigrants and their children, to name a few, have had unspoken cultural caveats applied to their ability to be Americans."For Asian immigrants, the racial argument at the time was that 'It didn't matter whether one were born in the US or not, Asians as a race, are unassimilable. They are diametrically opposite from us Americans,'" Lee says."That was the argument that was used to intern Japanese citizens. It was the denial of citizenship in favor of race: 'The ability to become American, the ability to assimilate, they just didn't have it.'"Why was it important to legalize rights for non-citizens?So far, we've covered the first clause, the Citizenship Clause, and the second, the Privileges and Immunities Clause. These both deal with American citizens.The final two clauses, the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection clause, are a little different, and deal with the rights of all people in the United States.Eagle-eyed Constitution readers will notice that the 14th Amendment contains a "due process" clause very similar to the Fifth Amendment. This, says Rosen, was a technical addition to ensure the Fifth Amendment wasn't theoretically narrowed down to protect only American citizens."The 14th Amendment distinguishes between the privileges of citizenship and the privileges of all people," Rosen says. "The framers [of the amendment] thought there were certain rights that were so important that they should be extended to all persons, and in order to specify that they needed a new 'due process' clause."What does it mean to have 'equal protection of the laws'?"At the time following the Civil War, at its core, it meant all persons had the right to be protected by the police, that the laws of the country should protect all people," Rosen says. "In the 20th century, more broader questions were litigated under the 14th Amendment, like Brown v. Board of Education -- whether segregation was constitutional. Cases involving the internment of Japanese citizens, case from the marriage equality decisions, even Roe vs. Wade have strains of equal protection language and invoke due process law."READ MORE: Brown v. Board of EducationAnother interesting case that speaks directly to the immigration side of the 14th Amendment debate is the 1982 case of Plyler v. Doe, in which the Supreme Court ruled it was unconstitutional for the state of Texas to deny funding for undocumented immigrant children.READ MORE: Plyler v. DoeWhy are we talking about all this right now?This week,?Trump vowed to end the right to citizenship for the children of non-citizens and unauthorized immigrants born on US soil.But his interest in repealing birthright citizenship isn't a new idea. Lee says for the last 30 years or so, there have been several overtures by the political right to explore "citizenship reform," a timeline that she says aligns with the ascendancy of modern American conservatism.Lee fears if the current push to end birthright citizenship is successful, it could have wider implications than most people assume. People from other countries who are here legally on work or student visas, for instance, could have children who do not legally belong to the only country they know."There have been attempts since the 1990s to break away birthright citizenship, or narrow it down, and it did not seem that they would have a chance at succeeding until now," she says."To me this not only reflects the ascendancy of an extreme right position but also a return to a very narrow and exclusionary definition of Americanness." 10356

In front of Luke Sherlock’s home in Boca Raton, Florida sits a memorial stone for his niece, Gina Rose Montalto, and signs of support for her high school, Marjory Stoneman Douglas. FULL COVERAGE: Parkland school shooting | Cruz seen laughing in jail days after shootingGina was one of 17 people murdered during the Valentine’s Day massacre in Parkland. She was a freshman. “Gov. (Rick) Scott came to Gina’s funeral and spoke with the family before the mass ceremony. He was very sincere about getting some things done to make our schools safer,” Luke said in an interview. The one major piece of legislation missing from the 0 million gun control and school safety bill, he said, is putting assault style weapons in the same category as silencers and sawed off shotguns, which are not legal to purchase. “Some guns are simply too dangerous to be in the public’s hands,” he said. He’s leery, as is Scott, of arming school personnel, which this bill would allow. “This bill does a lot of good things and if we have to live with that provision, I would prefer to have that provision in the bill and take the rest of it,” he said. He is behind raising the age to buy a gun to 21, a three-day waiting period, banning bump stocks, and giving authorities power to take guns away from people who may be a threat. All those items are in the bill. “Right now, there’s a good bill out there. That’s a great start to common sense gun control in this country and I ask that Gov. Scott sign,” he said. Scott will meet with parents Friday before deciding whether or not to sign the gun and school safety measure. Luke and some parents are working with Boca Middle School on creating a community watch-type program for parents to help patrol campus with school resource officers.The parents wouldn’t be armed, but provide and extra set of eyes to help the school resource officers look out for potential threats. 1982

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