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You know the saying, "never go to the store hungry?" Never go back-to-school shopping without a list. It can be easy to get distracted with all the must-have gadgets, but you can save a ton of money by making a list and not straying away.  244

While on restricted duty, the deputies surrendered their Broward County Sheriff's Office ID cards and any other symbol of authority, including service weapons and vehicles. 172

Yovanovitch said later, "If our chief representative is kneecapped, it limits our effectiveness to safeguard the vital national security interests of the United States."Lawmakers in both parties praised Yovanovitch's lengthy career of service, with several Republicans striking a notably different tone than the President toward the former ambassador to Ukraine.Yovanovitch told lawmakers it had been a "very painful period" as a result of the attacks from the President and his associates. "While I obviously don't dispute that the President has the right to withdraw an ambassador at any time for any reason, but what I do wonder is why it was necessary to smear my reputation falsely," she said in response to one GOP lawmaker.Rep. Terri Sewell, an Alabama Democrat, asked how her ordeal had affected her family."I really don't want to get into that," Yovanovitch responded. "Thank you for asking."'A more appropriate setting'Republicans argued that Trump was well within his rights to recall Yovanovitch from her post, saying the President has the power to appoint and remove ambassadors as he wishes. They pursued a line of questioning to establish that Yovanovitch had no direct knowledge of the central issues at stake in the impeachment inquiry, which occurred after she had been removed as ambassador."As you sit here before us, very simply and directly, do you have any information regarding the President of the United States accepting any bribes?" asked Rep. Chris Stewart, a Utah Republican."No," Yovanovitch responded.Several Republicans questioned why Yovanovitch was testifying at all."This seems more appropriate for the subcommittee on human resources at the Foreign Affairs Committee," said California Rep. Devin Nunes, the top Republican on the House Intelligence Committee. "If there's issues with employment, disagreements with the administration -- it would seem like this would be a more appropriate setting instead of an impeachment hearing where the ambassador is not a material fact witness to anything -- any of the accusations that are being hurled at the President for this impeachment inquiry."Republicans also continued to paint the impeachment process as unfair to them and the President. When the Republicans began their 45-minute round, Nunes tried to yield time to Stefanik. The move was clearly against the rules that Democrats had passed in their impeachment resolution -- the 45-minute block is designed only for the chairman and ranking member or their staff counsels -- but it had the effect of Schiff being forced to block Stefanik, the sole Republican woman on the panel, from speaking.Republican lawmakers also tried to enter into the congressional record numerous news articles where Schiff had said House impeachment investigators would have the anonymous whistleblower testify, in a theme that Republicans have continued to harp on as Schiff has insisted that the whistleblower's anonymity be protected during the proceedings.Busy day for impeachment inquiryFollowing the hearing, House impeachment investigators will hear from the US official who overheard a July phone call in which Trump asked the US ambassador to the European Union about Ukraine opening the requested investigations. The aide to Bill Taylor, the top US diplomat in Ukraine, will testify behind closed doors after Taylor revealed the call in his testimony Wednesday.Taylor testified that his aide had told him about the phone call between Trump and EU Ambassador Gordon Sondland after his closed-door deposition last month. On the call, Taylor said, Trump asked Sondland about the investigations, and Sondland "told President Trump that the Ukrainians were ready to move forward."The closed-door testimony of that Taylor aide, David Holmes, could offer Democrats tantalizing new evidence that connects Trump more directly to the push for Ukraine to open investigations that would benefit him politically.Just as the Yovanovitch hearing was about to gavel in Friday morning, 3992

With about 150 million tons of plastic in the world's oceans -- and that number expected to triple in the next decade -- this type of trash disposal has real implications for climate change, the safety of sea life and industries such as fishing and tourism. It can also affect our health if plastic ends up in the food we eat."That plastic is still going to be there in one year. It's still going to be there in ten years," said 24-year-old Ocean Cleanup founder and CEO Boyan Slat. "It's probably still going to be there in 100 years, so really only if we go out there and clean it up this amount of plastic is going to go down."The trash collects in the middle of the U-shaped pipe until a garbage boat comes to collect it. The device has satellite pods that communicate with the company's headquarters in the Netherlands and other boats to share its location. It's controlled remotely and has two cameras located in the center.The Ocean Cleanup team has been researching and testing the pipe for the past five years. In 2013, the project raised over million through crowdfunding and has since raised over million.The group hopes the pipe will collect 50 tons of trash by April 2019 and clean 90% of the world's ocean plastic by the year 2040.But some experts question whether how much a system like this can be a real impact on such large oceans. It's also faced criticism for its inability to capture small pieces of debris and the possibility of some sea life getting trapped inside. Some critics also worry if the device could break down, whether due to malfunction or storms, and create even more ocean garbage.Eben Schwartz, the marine debris program manager at the California Coastal Commission, said his main concern is the percentage of plastic that floats and could be collected this way is too small to make a difference. He believes focusing on trash reduction with land-based efforts will be more effective."It's much more effective from a cost and prevention effort to stop trash from entering in the first place," Schwartz said.Schwartz added that his water and beach cleanup volunteer group collected between 7 and 10 times the amount of trash Ocean Cleanup wants to capture by spring 2019."We did it in three hours and for a fraction of the cost of The Ocean Cleanup's project."Although Schwartz said that cleaning up the oceans is important, he believes the attention around the project could curb other efforts to reduce waste."If this makes people feel like they don't need to worry about recycling because this thing is out there, that's a serious negative consequence," he said.The need to clean up our oceans is getting attention beyond this project. Last week, President Donald Trump signed the Save Our Seas Act, which aims to help clean ocean waste by extending its own ocean cleanup initiative, the Marine Debris Program, for five more years.It may not be the only effort around, but Slat believes his pipe will make a big difference."Back in the day people said, 'Well, there's no way to clean this up. The best thing we could do is not make it worse,'" Slat said. "But to me that's a very uninspiring message. Everyone wants the future to be better than the present, and that's what we hope to achieve." 3241

While Bulger and Geas stood at opposite ends of the mafia hierarchy -- Bulger an all-powerful boss and Geas an aspiring, low-level hitman -- both men lived and ultimately were destroyed by the mafia's code of lawlessness, blind loyalty and ruthless violence.In the early 2000s, the Genovese family -- one of the largest and most powerful of New York's five mafia families -- set up a satellite-style operation in Springfield, Massachusetts. Nigro, the New York-based acting boss of the Genovese family, saw an opportunity to make extra money through extortion and other crimes in a relatively far-off outpost, without much competition from other gangsters.The Genovese family appointed a powerful, flamboyant captain, Adolfo Bruno, to run the Springfield rackets and, consistent with mafia practice, to kick a portion of his criminal proceeds back to the family in New York. As the Springfield criminal enterprise took off, Bruno began to run afoul of the family, as rumors circulated that he had been spotted talking to an FBI agent and as other mobsters began angling for a piece of his territory.On November 23, 2003, as Bruno walked out of a social club in downtown Springfield after his regular Sunday card game, a young aspiring gangster, Frankie Roche, jumped out of a hiding spot in an alley and shot Bruno five times, killing him. We proved at trial that Nigro had ordered the Bruno murder, and that Freddy Geas was one of the middlemen who recruited Roche to do the hit.Just a few weeks earlier, looking to establish their reputation as killers, Freddy Geas and his brother Ty decided to make a move. Geas knew that he could never be "made" as a member of the Genovese family because he was not Italian by birth. Nonetheless, he was an ambitious and violent criminal with his sights set on taking over Springfield.Freddy and Ty Geas wanted to kill again, to make a name for themselves as people to be feared on the streets. And they found a perfect target: Gary Westerman, another aspiring young criminal who was widely suspected on the streets of committing the cardinal sin of any gangster: he was a "rat," suspected (correctly, it turned out) of talking to the police.So, on the night of November 4, 2003, Freddy Geas and others lured Westerman into the woods in Agawam, Massachusetts. The pretext was that Westerman would join Geas and others in robbing the nearby home of a suspected drug dealer. In fact, Geas and others already had dug an eight-foot hole in the ground nearby.Once in the woods, they pulled out guns and shot Westerman, who was wearing a ski mask in preparation for the purported robbery. Westerman did not die immediately, so others bludgeoned him over the head with shovels until he died. Freddy Geas and his criminal partners then dumped Westerman's body in the nearby grave they already had dug for him.Westerman's body remained in that grave in the woods, undiscovered until nearly seven years later. One of the men who was in the woods and who participated in the Westerman murder cooperated in our case and told us he could lead us to Westerman's grave. The FBI agents on the case got permission from a judge to take that cooperator out of jail temporarily and drove him up to Agawam. The cooperator then walked with the FBI agents in the woods and showed them where to dig. The FBI carefully exhumed Westerman's body. Westerman was still wearing the ski mask that he wore on the night of his murder.During my closing argument in their trial in 2011, I told the jury that the defendants had unleashed an "epic spasm of violence." The sentencing judge, after the jury convicted all three defendants, observed, "you don't get to the spot (where these defendants are) by having a bad day ... or a bad period of life. This was a way of life."So, if Geas is found to have played a role in Bulger's murder, the questions remains -- why? Geas almost certainly never met Bulger before encountering him in prison; Bulger was either in jail or in hiding throughout Geas's life, and Geas has been off the streets for over eight years.Based on what I know about Geas and the mafia, I'd offer two explanations. First, Geas always has been desperate for recognition -- not the kind of recognition most people seek, but rather recognition as a "capable guy," in mafia parlance, a person willing to commit any act of violence no matter how heartless or brutal. Already serving a life sentence, Geas had a reputation to gain and little to lose.While Geas could well be tried and convicted for the murder of Bulger, he is already serving a life sentence. Geas could be charged with a death-eligible federal offense for the Bulger murder, but actual imposition of the death penalty is rare. (No federal inmate has been executed since 2003, according to the Death Penalty Information Center.) Geas could also be moved from his current maximum-security prison to the federal government's only "ultra-maximum" facility in Florence, Colorado. Based on what I know of Geas, he'd willingly take that punishment if it burnished his reputation as a cold killer.Second, Geas holds a deep hatred of cooperating witnesses -- what the mob commonly calls "rats." Geas and his confederates lured Westerman into the woods and killed him because they believed he had been providing information to the police. Similarly, though Bulger denied being an informant, he too, according to prosecutors, provided critical information on murders and drug deals that led to arrests. This mentality, that cooperators pose a grave threat and should be eliminated, is a fundamental value of the mafia and many other kinds of criminal organizations. Career criminals recognize that nothing poses a threat like cooperating witnesses, who can guide prosecutors and law enforcement agents through the inner workings of otherwise closed, secretive criminal operations.Geas, like Bulger, chose to live a life defined by relentless crime and unthinkable violence. Both men ended several lives and destroyed their own because of their adherence to this twisted code. This week, the ethic of violence came full circle.Elie Honig is a former Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York and practices white collar criminal defense at the firm Lowenstein Sandler. 6275