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发布时间: 2025-05-30 07:39:28北京青年报社官方账号
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It may not be a hospital, but these essential workers are on the frontlines teaching children while schools are shut down and relieving parents who can’t work from home.“We can be open for those parents who have nowhere else to go, who have no one else to turn to,” said Katie Taves, the lead teacher for remote learning at Boingo’s Academy in Visalia, California.This program is making an incredible impact on parents like Lorraine Filimeno. The single mother of five is also an essential worker. She helps families sign up for unemployment benefits and financial assistance.“We are out in the community. We deal with people every day, but we’re also parents,” said Filimeno.When schools closed, Filimeno needed some help herself figuring out how to balance work and her kids’ remote learning.“My employer wasn’t going to wait for me. You know, everyone is replaceable,” she said. The mother was worried she might end up needing help from her own office. “Was I going to have to get on unemployment? I had seen people come into our office and start asking for applications and being worried, and I said, ‘Is that going to be me?’” recalled Filimeno.She reached out to the day care her daughters went to for after-school care and found the teachers were ready to help.“If it wasn’t for child care like Boingo’s, I don’t know what I would do,” she said.Before COVID-19 hit, a large part of the day care was used as an after-school playground. Now, it’s turned into a remote learning classroom for dozens of students in different schools and grades.The Boingo’s Academy pre-school got a waiver from the state to take on extra elementary school students for all-day distance learning and spots filled up almost instantly.“Some of these kids can’t even read yet, let alone find the link you’re telling them to find. They need somebody there with the computer,” said Taves.This relief comes with a cost. For Filimeno, keeping the career she loves and paying for childcare meant training for a second job.“Without a second income, I cannot afford childcare for 40 hours a week for three kids. It’s very costly," she said. "I know there’s resources out there for me-- cash aid and food stamps--but as I’ve worked for over 25 years. I had gotten off of those assistances."Now, the single mom is worried, like so many parents in her shoes, that COVID-19 will erase her years of financial stability.“When this all hit, it felt almost like I was rewinding my life. I wanted to give up as a parent and say, ‘I’m done with working. I can’t afford this.’ But you look at your children, and you say, ‘I gotta get back together, I gotta get going,” said Filimeno.The mother even battled COVID-19 and was sick for a month, but now, she is back to work and is making sure she can provide for her kids.With the many layers of stress falling onto parents and teachers, the children have a tough time, too.“When I see a child not able to follow along, it’s heartbreaking,” said Taves. “Sometimes, it just becomes so overwhelming and they’re just not able to do it, and there’s not much I can do but encourage them. Their little spirits get broken; it’s so sad."But, these teachers won’t give up, and these parents can’t give up, because they’re working for a future only these children can dream up. 3286

  濮阳东方看男科评价好收费低   

In most states, it is illegal to sell or give tobacco products to someone who is 18 years old or younger.But many are increasing the legal age to 21 years old.Cincinnati, Ohio just became the 16th city in that state to do so. The state's minimum age is 18. (There is no minimum age at which someone in Ohio may legally use tobacco products.)Minimum ages for purchasing tobacco have been set at the state level dating all the way back to the late 1800s.Increasing the legal age is an effort to reduce habitual smoking among young people.The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says most long-term tobacco use begins when a smoker is an adolescent, and nearly 90 percent of smokers have their first cigarette by age 18. 742

  濮阳东方看男科评价好收费低   

It may not be as oft-quoted as the First Amendment or as contested as the Second Amendment, but the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution plays a critical role in supporting some of our closest-held notions of American freedom and equality.For one, it clearly states that American citizenship is a birthright for all people who are born on American soil -- something that President Donald Trump has announced he wants to end. Not only would this unravel 150 years of American law, it would loosen a significant cornerstone of the Constitution's interpretation of American identity.In order to better understand this part of the 14th Amendment, we asked two experts in constitutional and immigration law to walk us through the first section. The amendment has five sections, but we will only be dealing with the first, which contains the Citizenship Clause and three other related clauses.But first, some historyThe 14th Amendment is known as a Reconstruction amendment, because it was added to the Constitution after the Civil War in 1868. That places it at an important historical crossroads, when lingering wounds of divisiveness and animosity still plagued the nation and the reality of a post-slavery America begged contentious racial and social questions."Thomas Jefferson said men were created equal, but the original Constitution betrayed that promise by allowing for slavery," says Jeffrey Rosen. "The 13th, 14th and 15th amendments were designed to enshrine Lincoln's promise of a new America."However, as so often is the case, this reaffirmed American ideal fell short of reality. Rosen notes that issues of civil rights and equal treatment continued to be denied to African Americans, LGBT people and other citizens for more than a century after the amendment's ratification.And Erika Lee points out that Native Americans weren't even allowed to become citizens until 1925."Even as [these amendments] were written, obviously there were major built-in inequalities and maybe at the time weren't intended to apply to everyone," Lee says.Why was citizenship by birthright such an important concept?"Citizenship was a central question left open by the original Constitution," says Rosen. "At the time it was written, the Constitution assumed citizenship, but it didn't provide any rules for it. In the infamous Dred Scott decision, the Chief Justice said African Americans can't be citizens of the US and 'had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.'"The US Supreme Court's ruling in the Dred Scott case, named for a slave who unsuccessfully sued for his freedom, has since been widely condemned.READ MORE: Scott v. Sandford"The 14th Amendment was designed to overturn this decision and define citizenship once and for all, and it was based on birthright," Rosen says. "It is really important that it's a vision of citizenship based on land rather than blood. It is an idea that anyone can be an American if they commit themselves to our Constitutional values."What does it mean to be "subject to the jurisdiction thereof?"According to Rosen, this is one of the greatest questions of citizenship. There are two clear examples of people not subject to the jurisdictions of the United States: diplomats and their children, and -- at the time of the 14th Amendment -- Native Americans, who were not recognized as part of the American populace."With those two exceptions, everyone who was physically present in the United States was thought to be under its jurisdiction," Rosen says. "There are numerous Supreme Court cases that reaffirm that understanding, and almost as importantly, there are lots of congressional statutes that assume birthright citizenship."Some scholars, like John Eastman of the Claremont Institute's Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, have argued that children of illegal immigrants are not "subject to the jurisdiction" of the US and thus should not be considered citizens under the Constitution.But Rosen says this is a minority view among constitutional scholars of all political backgrounds."While the Supreme Court has not explicitly ruled [on the instance of children of illegal immigrants], Congress has passed all kinds of laws presuming their citizenship," Rosen says.What is the connection between birthright citizenship and immigration?In 1898, 30 years after the 14th Amendment was adopted, the Supreme Court reached a defining decision in a case known as the United States v. Wong Kim Ark. Lee explains that Wong Kim Ark was the American-born son of Chinese immigrants."Asian immigrants were the first immigrants to the US that couldn't be considered white," Lee says. "So they are treated differently. They are taxed differently, they are stripped of many rights. In the 1880s, they are excluded from immigration and barred from citizenship."READ MORE: The United States v. Wong Kim ArkSo, the main question of the case was, could a person born in America be a citizen in a place where his parents could not be as well? The Supreme Court decided yes, and the case remains the first defining legal decision made under the banner of birthright citizenship."[The Supreme Court's decision] said that the right of citizenship is not a matter of inheritance, that it never descends from generation to generation, it is related to where you're born," Lee says. "It's about the power of place. That has been a very expansive, and at the time, a corrective measure to a more exclusionary definition both legally as well as culturally as to what an American is."Why must it be stated that the privileges of citizenship need to be protected?Before the Civil War, states didn't necessarily have to follow the provisions stated in the Bill of Rights; only Congress had to. The 14th Amendment changed that."This second sentence of the Amendment means that states have to respect the Bill of Rights as well as basic civil rights and the rights that come along with citizenship," Rosen says. "The idea was that there were rights that were so basic; so integral to citizenship that they could not be narrowed by the states."Despite the promises and protections of citizenship, Lee says it is abundantly clear that different racial groups were, and often are, seen as unable or unworthy to function as true American citizens. After all, basic rights of citizenship, like suffrage and equal treatment, were denied certain racial groups for a hundred years after the 14th Amendment."The idea of a law applying to 'all people' seems to be clear. But in reality, the debate and the laws and practices that get established are very much based on a hierarchy of, well sure, all persons, but some are more fit and some are more deserving than others," she says.Throughout history, Asian immigrants, Mexican immigrants, Muslim immigrants and their children, to name a few, have had unspoken cultural caveats applied to their ability to be Americans."For Asian immigrants, the racial argument at the time was that 'It didn't matter whether one were born in the US or not, Asians as a race, are unassimilable. They are diametrically opposite from us Americans,'" Lee says."That was the argument that was used to intern Japanese citizens. It was the denial of citizenship in favor of race: 'The ability to become American, the ability to assimilate, they just didn't have it.'"Why was it important to legalize rights for non-citizens?So far, we've covered the first clause, the Citizenship Clause, and the second, the Privileges and Immunities Clause. These both deal with American citizens.The final two clauses, the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection clause, are a little different, and deal with the rights of all people in the United States.Eagle-eyed Constitution readers will notice that the 14th Amendment contains a "due process" clause very similar to the Fifth Amendment. This, says Rosen, was a technical addition to ensure the Fifth Amendment wasn't theoretically narrowed down to protect only American citizens."The 14th Amendment distinguishes between the privileges of citizenship and the privileges of all people," Rosen says. "The framers [of the amendment] thought there were certain rights that were so important that they should be extended to all persons, and in order to specify that they needed a new 'due process' clause."What does it mean to have 'equal protection of the laws'?"At the time following the Civil War, at its core, it meant all persons had the right to be protected by the police, that the laws of the country should protect all people," Rosen says. "In the 20th century, more broader questions were litigated under the 14th Amendment, like Brown v. Board of Education -- whether segregation was constitutional. Cases involving the internment of Japanese citizens, case from the marriage equality decisions, even Roe vs. Wade have strains of equal protection language and invoke due process law."READ MORE: Brown v. Board of EducationAnother interesting case that speaks directly to the immigration side of the 14th Amendment debate is the 1982 case of Plyler v. Doe, in which the Supreme Court ruled it was unconstitutional for the state of Texas to deny funding for undocumented immigrant children.READ MORE: Plyler v. DoeWhy are we talking about all this right now?This week,?Trump vowed to end the right to citizenship for the children of non-citizens and unauthorized immigrants born on US soil.But his interest in repealing birthright citizenship isn't a new idea. Lee says for the last 30 years or so, there have been several overtures by the political right to explore "citizenship reform," a timeline that she says aligns with the ascendancy of modern American conservatism.Lee fears if the current push to end birthright citizenship is successful, it could have wider implications than most people assume. People from other countries who are here legally on work or student visas, for instance, could have children who do not legally belong to the only country they know."There have been attempts since the 1990s to break away birthright citizenship, or narrow it down, and it did not seem that they would have a chance at succeeding until now," she says."To me this not only reflects the ascendancy of an extreme right position but also a return to a very narrow and exclusionary definition of Americanness." 10356

  

Is it safe to drink from a fountain during the coronavirus pandemic?There’s no evidence you can get COVID-19 from the water itself.However, since the virus may linger on surfaces, experts say to avoid fountains if you can or to limit any direct contact when using them.If you don't have a tissue or gloves handy and need to touch the fountain, experts recommend washing your hands afterward.Health officials say schools and businesses should encourage everyone to bring their own water from home, but that fountains should still be cleaned and sanitized for those who need to use them. 593

  

It's been six years since Culver's introduced a new custard flavor. On Thursday, they announced six new flavors coming soon on their website.The flavors will come out each month, starting on May 10 with Cappuccino Cookie Crumble and going all the way through October. Here's a list of the new flavors and the descriptions on Culver's website: 375

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