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SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — California's ballot harvesting law is creating controversy this election year. The law allows individuals to collect ballots from voters and return them to county election offices. Republicans have set up unofficial drop boxes in some counties with closely contested U.S. House races. State officials say the boxes are illegal and have ordered the party to remove them. But party leaders say they are using the boxes to collect ballots as the law allows. At least one Democratic campaign is using neighborhood hubs where designated volunteers receive ballots at their homes from voters. 620

Rosie O'Donnell is getting married, a representative for the actress confirmed Tuesday to CNN.O'Donnell?publicly announced her engagement to her girlfriend, Elizabeth Rooney, on Monday evening in an interview?with People Magazine.The wedding is "a long time in the future," O'Donnell said. "We both decided that that would be best."The couple have been dating long distance since they began their relationship last year.Rooney took to Instagram Monday night to post a photo of her engagement ring with the caption, "Y E S," alongside heart and ring emoji."She lives in Boston now, and I live here in New York. It's been a long-distance thing. It's been great," O'Donnell said, adding, "I think she's a wonderful woman."O'Donnell most previously was married to Michelle Rounds, who died last year. O'Donnell has five children, Parker, 23, Blake, 18, Vivienne, 15, Chelsea, 21, and Dakota, 5. 903

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — California Gov. Gavin Newsom heaped praise on legislators as he revealed his updated 3 billion budget last week.The Democrat who is five months into the job applauded Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon's focus on universal preschool. He called Senate Budget Committee Chairwoman Holly Mitchell the champion of increasing grants for low-income families.He even thanked several Republicans, including Assemblyman James Gallagher, who has sought assistance for the city of Paradise that he represents and mostly was destroyed by a wildfire last year.All that goodwill is about to be tested as Newsom and the Legislature enter the final weeks of budget negotiations. Lawmakers must pass a spending plan by June 15 or lose pay, then Newsom has until June 30 to sign it.His proposal released Thursday carries many of the Democrat-dominated Legislature's priorities: more spending aimed at children and the poor, a health care expansion for young people living in the country illegally and the elimination of sales tax on diapers and tampons."It's clear that he has heard from Californians quite frankly, not just us as policy makers, who need their state government to step up and invest in them," Mitchell said.But he also gave the same warnings as his predecessor, Jerry Brown, that the state's strong economy — and the huge budget surpluses it's creating — won't last forever.Newsom has allocated billion to pad state reserves and pay down debt and put cutoff dates on key proposals that Democratic legislators want to make permanent. He also wants lawmakers to take politically painful votes such as putting a tax on water."It's a great starting point," Democratic Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez of San Diego said of Newsom's plan.Her comment neatly encapsulates the situation for many progressive Democrats; they like much of what Newsom is saying but don't necessarily see his plans as an end point.Gonzalez, for example, has pushed for eliminating sales tax on diapers for at least five years. Newsom's proposal ends the cut in 2022.Newsom said he imposed a cut-off in case revenue isn't as robust in future budget years. A so-called sunset provision can make it easier to win support from lawmakers, Gonzalez noted, because the tax break can go away in future years without lawmakers having to take a painful vote to cut it.During budget talks she said she will up the ante and push for permanent revocation of the sales tax on diapers.Newsom isn't giving many clues to lawmakers about which items on his wish-list are the top priorities saying he's done enough negotiations to be cautious about showing his hand."Everything I said matters to me, or I wouldn't have said it," he said. "I'm using the budget in ways to advance things I care deeply about."Assembly Budget Chairman Phil Ting said he hasn't had a conversation with Newsom about priorities. Ting, who worked as San Francisco's assessor when Newsom was mayor, said he wasn't surprised Newsom isn't showing his hand."That sounds exactly like him," Ting said.Ting said overall he was pleased with Newsom's budget proposal, but highlighted some concerns, notably that many of Newsom's biggest spending increases are also slated to expire in two years.Beyond the diaper tax, that includes big commitments to increase rates for providers of Medi-Cal, the state's health program for poor children and adults, along with expanded preschool slots and more services for people with development disabilities.Newsom has proposed several new taxes and fees that would pay for things such as bolstering the state's 911 emergency services and clean up contaminated drinking water in the Central Valley. Those ideas require a two-thirds vote of the legislature, which Ting said will be hard even though Democrats have super-majorities in both chambers."It's not clear where the votes are for all of that," Ting said.Newsom's budget also relies on conforming California's tax law with federal changes pushed by Republican President Donald Trump. Additional revenue it generates will go toward a major expansion of a tax credit for working families. The tax change similarly requires a two-thirds vote.Asked how he'd convince lawmakers to take those votes, Newsom said: "Vote your conscience, do the right thing." Then he turned flippant, noting the tax law changes would decrease what types of expenses people can deduct."I'll remind folks it's about no longer writing off courtside seats at the Kings' game," he said, referring to Sacramento's NBA team.On the water issue, meanwhile, Newsom declared confidently that a deal would be struck. While he's proposed a tax, some lawmakers would rather the state use surplus or other general fund dollars. It likely won't be dealt with as part of the budget package due June 15."I don't want to say 'read my lips' because I don't want to see that clip," he joked. "But we're going to get a water deal." 4930

RICHMOND, Va. (AP) — By the time drug enforcement agents swooped into his small medical office in Martinsville, Virginia, in 2017, Dr. Joel Smithers had prescribed about a half a million doses of highly addictive opioids in two years.Patients from five states drove hundreds of miles to see him, spending up to 16 hours on the road to get prescriptions for oxycodone and other powerful painkillers."He's done great damage and contributed ... to the overall problem in the heartland of the opioid crisis," said Christopher Dziedzic, a supervisory special agent for the Drug Enforcement Administration who oversaw the investigation into Smithers.In the past two decades, opioids have killed about 400,000 Americans, ripped families apart and left communities — many in Appalachia — grappling with ballooning costs of social services like law enforcement, foster care and drug rehab.Smithers, a 36-year-old married father of five, is facing the possibility of life in prison after being convicted in May of more than 800 counts of illegally prescribing drugs, including the oxycodone and oxymorphone that caused the death of a West Virginia woman. When he is sentenced Wednesday, the best Smithers can hope for is a mandatory minimum of 20 years.Authorities say that, instead of running a legitimate medical practice, Smithers headed an interstate drug distribution ring that contributed to the opioid abuse epidemic in West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Tennessee and Virginia.In court filings and at trial, they described an office that lacked basic medical supplies, a receptionist who lived out of a back room during the work week, and patients who slept outside and urinated in the parking lot.At trial, one woman who described herself as an addict compared Smithers' practice to pill mills she frequented in Florida."I went and got medication without — I mean, without any kind of physical exam or bringing medical records, anything like that," the woman testified.A receptionist testified that patients would wait up to 12 hours to see Smithers, who sometimes kept his office open past midnight. Smithers did not accept insurance and took in close to 0,000 in cash and credit card payments over two years."People only went there for one reason, and that was just to get pain medication that they (could) abuse themselves or sell it for profit," Dziedzic said.The opioid crisis has been decades in the making and has been fueled by a mix of prescription and street drugs.From 2000 to 2010, annual deaths linked to prescription opioids increased nearly fourfold. By the 2010s, with more crackdowns on pill mills and more restrictive guidelines on prescriptions, the number of prescriptions declined. Then people with addictions turned to even deadlier opioids. But the number of deaths tied to prescription opioids didn't begin to decline until last year, according to data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.Martinsville, where Smithers set up shop, has been particularly hard hit.A city of about 14,000 near Virginia's southern border, Martinsville once was a thriving furniture and textile manufacturing center that billed itself as the "Sweatshirt Capital of the World." But when factories began closing in the 1990s, thousands of jobs were lost. Between 2006 and 2012, the city had the nation's third-highest number of opioid pills received per capita, according to an Associated Press analysis of federal data.Andrew Kolodny, a Brandeis University doctor who has long been critical of opioids, said that in recent years, doctors became less comfortable writing lots of opioid prescriptions and many big prescribers retired. That opened an opportunity for others."If you're one of the guys still doing this," he said, "you're going to have tons of patients knocking down your door."During his trial, Smithers testified that after he moved to Virginia, he found himself flooded with patients from other states who said many nearby pain clinics had been shut down. Smithers said he reluctantly began treating these patients, with the goal of weaning them off high doses of immediate-release drugs.He acknowledged during testimony that he sometimes wrote and mailed prescriptions for patients he had not examined but insisted that he had spoken to them over the phone.Once, he met a woman in the parking lot of a Starbucks, she handed him 0 and he gave her a prescription for fentanyl, an opioid pain reliever that is 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine.When area pharmacists started refusing to fill prescriptions written by Smithers, he directed patients to far-flung pharmacies, including two in West Virginia. Prosecutors say Smithers also used some patients to distribute drugs to other patients. Four people were indicted in Kentucky on conspiracy charges.At his trial, Smithers portrayed himself as a caring doctor who was deceived by some patients."I learned several lessons the hard way about trusting people that I should not have trusted," he said.Smithers' lawyer told the judge he had been diagnosed with depression and anxiety. Family members said through a spokesperson that they believe his decisions were influenced by personal stress, and emotional and mental strain.Even before he opened his Martinsville practice in August 2015, Smithers had raised suspicions. West Virginia authorities approached him in June 2015 about a complaint with his practice there, but when they returned the next day with a subpoena, they found his office cleaned out and a dumpster filled with shredded papers and untested urine samples.Some of Smithers' patients have remained fiercely loyal to him, insisting their severe chronic pain was eased by the powerful painkillers he prescribed.Lennie Hartshorn Jr., the father of the West Virginia woman who died two days after taking drugs Smithers prescribed, testified for the defense.Hartshorn said his daughter, Heather Hartshorn, told someone "she would rather be dead than in pain all the time." According to a form Heather Hartshorn filled out when she went to see Smithers, she had chronic pain in her lower back, legs, hips and neck from a severe car accident and a fall.When asked by Smithers' lawyer if he blames Smithers for anything, Lennie Hartshorn said he does not.Smithers has been denied bond while he awaits sentencing. His attorney did not respond to inquiries from AP. Smithers has said he plans to appeal.____Associated Press reporters Geoff Mulvihill and Riin Aljas contributed to this story. 6501

Rudy Giuliani's assertion to CNN this week that President Donald Trump can't be indicted by the special counsel, and thus can't face a subpoena, banks on a series of internal Justice Department policies.The question to this day is untested in the court system. Yet the step-by-step process Robert Mueller or any special counsel could follow for a President under investigation has several possible outcomes.According to several legal experts, historical memos and court filings, this is how the Justice Department's decision-making on whether to indict a sitting president could play out:First, there must be suspicion or allegations of a crime. Did the President do something criminally wrong? If the answer is no, there would be no investigation.But if the answer is maybe, that puts federal investigators on the pursuit. If they find nothing, Justice Department guidelines say they'd still need to address their investigation in a report summarizing their findings.If there could be some meat to the allegations, the Justice Department would need to determine one of two things: Did the potentially criminal actions take place unrelated to or before to the presidency? Or was the President's executive branch power was crucial in the crime?That determination will come into play later, because Congress' power to impeach and remove a president from office was intended by the framers of the Constitution to remedy abuse of the office, legal scholars say.Perhaps, though, the special counsel decides there's enough evidence to prove that the President broke the law.That's where the Office of Legal Counsel opinions come in.In 1973 and 2000, the office, which defines Justice Department internal procedure, said an indictment of a sitting president would be too disruptive to the country. This opinion appears to be binding on the Justice Department's decision-making, though it's possible for Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein to choose to override the opinion, give Mueller permission to ignore it and take it to court, or ask the office to reexamine the issue by writing a new opinion.This sort of legal briefing has been done before, like in the year after the 1973 opinion, when then-special prosecutor Leon Jaworski wrote a Watergate-era memo describing why the President should not be above the law.Of course, there's another immediate option if a special counsel finds the President did wrong. Prosecutors could use the "unindicted co-conspirator" approach. This would involve the special counsel's office indicting a group of conspirators, making clear the President was part of the conspiracy without bringing charges against him.At any time, in theory, a special counsel could decide to delay an indictment until the President leaves office -- so as not to interfere with the functioning of the executive branch. The other options would be to drop the case or send an impeachment referral to Congress. As evidenced by Mueller's actions previously in the investigations of Trump's personal attorney Michael Cohen and former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, any steps this special counsel takes will likely come with the full support of the acting attorney general on the matter, Rosenstein.The question of whether a President could be subpoenaed is a story for another day. 3303

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