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In one of the most divisive political seasons in U.S. history, finding common ground has been a challenge. But one activist decided to put rubber to the pavement in the hopes of finding what connects us.Seth Gottesdiener recently embarked on a cross country odyssey on his bicycle.“It's my preferred method of transportation and I find it really meditative,” said the avid cyclist. “It's one of my favorite things to do athletically outdoors.”The 33-year-old social justice activist mounted his two-wheeler back in late September for what he called "The Great American Bike Ride."“I thought why don't I bike across America and talk to people,” said Gottesdiener. “I'll talk to just denizens of the country and see where they're at and see how this year has affected them and their opinions.”The 45-day journey began in Los Angeles. His plan was to pedal his way through 22 cities and 13 states, concluding his expedition in the nation’s capital on Election Day.“I was not prepared for the great Southwest,” he said. “It was very intense. It was very unrelenting. The heat was over 100 degrees a lot of the days, giant mountains, really dry.”All along the way, Gottesdiener met with Americans from all walks of life. He interviewed them as part of a feature documentary.“I want people to hear voices that they would have never come encounter with on their own. I want to connect Americans together.”The ride also took him on a journey of self-discovery.“There’s parts of the country that I hadn't ever seen before, like Arkansas, like Kentucky, and a lot of Tennessee. And it was beautiful,” he said.It was also an opportunity, he says, to gain a better understanding of fellow citizens bitterly divided by politics. He hopes the journey reminds one another of the human spirit that connects us all.“Be there for each other. Help each other. Pull each other up by the bootstraps, rather than be so divided as we've seen this year.”One of the questions that Gottesdiener asked people on his journey was: “If there's one thing you could say to all Americans right now, what would it be?”He knows what he would say.“I would just say ‘Listen.’” 2147

It may not be as oft-quoted as the First Amendment or as contested as the Second Amendment, but the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution plays a critical role in supporting some of our closest-held notions of American freedom and equality.For one, it clearly states that American citizenship is a birthright for all people who are born on American soil -- something that President Donald Trump has announced he wants to end. Not only would this unravel 150 years of American law, it would loosen a significant cornerstone of the Constitution's interpretation of American identity.In order to better understand this part of the 14th Amendment, we asked two experts in constitutional and immigration law to walk us through the first section. The amendment has five sections, but we will only be dealing with the first, which contains the Citizenship Clause and three other related clauses.But first, some historyThe 14th Amendment is known as a Reconstruction amendment, because it was added to the Constitution after the Civil War in 1868. That places it at an important historical crossroads, when lingering wounds of divisiveness and animosity still plagued the nation and the reality of a post-slavery America begged contentious racial and social questions."Thomas Jefferson said men were created equal, but the original Constitution betrayed that promise by allowing for slavery," says Jeffrey Rosen. "The 13th, 14th and 15th amendments were designed to enshrine Lincoln's promise of a new America."However, as so often is the case, this reaffirmed American ideal fell short of reality. Rosen notes that issues of civil rights and equal treatment continued to be denied to African Americans, LGBT people and other citizens for more than a century after the amendment's ratification.And Erika Lee points out that Native Americans weren't even allowed to become citizens until 1925."Even as [these amendments] were written, obviously there were major built-in inequalities and maybe at the time weren't intended to apply to everyone," Lee says.Why was citizenship by birthright such an important concept?"Citizenship was a central question left open by the original Constitution," says Rosen. "At the time it was written, the Constitution assumed citizenship, but it didn't provide any rules for it. In the infamous Dred Scott decision, the Chief Justice said African Americans can't be citizens of the US and 'had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.'"The US Supreme Court's ruling in the Dred Scott case, named for a slave who unsuccessfully sued for his freedom, has since been widely condemned.READ MORE: Scott v. Sandford"The 14th Amendment was designed to overturn this decision and define citizenship once and for all, and it was based on birthright," Rosen says. "It is really important that it's a vision of citizenship based on land rather than blood. It is an idea that anyone can be an American if they commit themselves to our Constitutional values."What does it mean to be "subject to the jurisdiction thereof?"According to Rosen, this is one of the greatest questions of citizenship. There are two clear examples of people not subject to the jurisdictions of the United States: diplomats and their children, and -- at the time of the 14th Amendment -- Native Americans, who were not recognized as part of the American populace."With those two exceptions, everyone who was physically present in the United States was thought to be under its jurisdiction," Rosen says. "There are numerous Supreme Court cases that reaffirm that understanding, and almost as importantly, there are lots of congressional statutes that assume birthright citizenship."Some scholars, like John Eastman of the Claremont Institute's Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, have argued that children of illegal immigrants are not "subject to the jurisdiction" of the US and thus should not be considered citizens under the Constitution.But Rosen says this is a minority view among constitutional scholars of all political backgrounds."While the Supreme Court has not explicitly ruled [on the instance of children of illegal immigrants], Congress has passed all kinds of laws presuming their citizenship," Rosen says.What is the connection between birthright citizenship and immigration?In 1898, 30 years after the 14th Amendment was adopted, the Supreme Court reached a defining decision in a case known as the United States v. Wong Kim Ark. Lee explains that Wong Kim Ark was the American-born son of Chinese immigrants."Asian immigrants were the first immigrants to the US that couldn't be considered white," Lee says. "So they are treated differently. They are taxed differently, they are stripped of many rights. In the 1880s, they are excluded from immigration and barred from citizenship."READ MORE: The United States v. Wong Kim ArkSo, the main question of the case was, could a person born in America be a citizen in a place where his parents could not be as well? The Supreme Court decided yes, and the case remains the first defining legal decision made under the banner of birthright citizenship."[The Supreme Court's decision] said that the right of citizenship is not a matter of inheritance, that it never descends from generation to generation, it is related to where you're born," Lee says. "It's about the power of place. That has been a very expansive, and at the time, a corrective measure to a more exclusionary definition both legally as well as culturally as to what an American is."Why must it be stated that the privileges of citizenship need to be protected?Before the Civil War, states didn't necessarily have to follow the provisions stated in the Bill of Rights; only Congress had to. The 14th Amendment changed that."This second sentence of the Amendment means that states have to respect the Bill of Rights as well as basic civil rights and the rights that come along with citizenship," Rosen says. "The idea was that there were rights that were so basic; so integral to citizenship that they could not be narrowed by the states."Despite the promises and protections of citizenship, Lee says it is abundantly clear that different racial groups were, and often are, seen as unable or unworthy to function as true American citizens. After all, basic rights of citizenship, like suffrage and equal treatment, were denied certain racial groups for a hundred years after the 14th Amendment."The idea of a law applying to 'all people' seems to be clear. But in reality, the debate and the laws and practices that get established are very much based on a hierarchy of, well sure, all persons, but some are more fit and some are more deserving than others," she says.Throughout history, Asian immigrants, Mexican immigrants, Muslim immigrants and their children, to name a few, have had unspoken cultural caveats applied to their ability to be Americans."For Asian immigrants, the racial argument at the time was that 'It didn't matter whether one were born in the US or not, Asians as a race, are unassimilable. They are diametrically opposite from us Americans,'" Lee says."That was the argument that was used to intern Japanese citizens. It was the denial of citizenship in favor of race: 'The ability to become American, the ability to assimilate, they just didn't have it.'"Why was it important to legalize rights for non-citizens?So far, we've covered the first clause, the Citizenship Clause, and the second, the Privileges and Immunities Clause. These both deal with American citizens.The final two clauses, the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection clause, are a little different, and deal with the rights of all people in the United States.Eagle-eyed Constitution readers will notice that the 14th Amendment contains a "due process" clause very similar to the Fifth Amendment. This, says Rosen, was a technical addition to ensure the Fifth Amendment wasn't theoretically narrowed down to protect only American citizens."The 14th Amendment distinguishes between the privileges of citizenship and the privileges of all people," Rosen says. "The framers [of the amendment] thought there were certain rights that were so important that they should be extended to all persons, and in order to specify that they needed a new 'due process' clause."What does it mean to have 'equal protection of the laws'?"At the time following the Civil War, at its core, it meant all persons had the right to be protected by the police, that the laws of the country should protect all people," Rosen says. "In the 20th century, more broader questions were litigated under the 14th Amendment, like Brown v. Board of Education -- whether segregation was constitutional. Cases involving the internment of Japanese citizens, case from the marriage equality decisions, even Roe vs. Wade have strains of equal protection language and invoke due process law."READ MORE: Brown v. Board of EducationAnother interesting case that speaks directly to the immigration side of the 14th Amendment debate is the 1982 case of Plyler v. Doe, in which the Supreme Court ruled it was unconstitutional for the state of Texas to deny funding for undocumented immigrant children.READ MORE: Plyler v. DoeWhy are we talking about all this right now?This week,?Trump vowed to end the right to citizenship for the children of non-citizens and unauthorized immigrants born on US soil.But his interest in repealing birthright citizenship isn't a new idea. Lee says for the last 30 years or so, there have been several overtures by the political right to explore "citizenship reform," a timeline that she says aligns with the ascendancy of modern American conservatism.Lee fears if the current push to end birthright citizenship is successful, it could have wider implications than most people assume. People from other countries who are here legally on work or student visas, for instance, could have children who do not legally belong to the only country they know."There have been attempts since the 1990s to break away birthright citizenship, or narrow it down, and it did not seem that they would have a chance at succeeding until now," she says."To me this not only reflects the ascendancy of an extreme right position but also a return to a very narrow and exclusionary definition of Americanness." 10356

INDIANAPOLIS, Indiana — The holidays are prime time for drinking alcohol, and typically the busiest time of year for drunk driving arrests.Central Indiana law enforcement agencies will be conducting sobriety checkpoints, which typically cost thousands of dollars each.WRTV television station in Indianapolis dug into the numbers to find out how many arrests police are making at checkpoints, and what it means for you on the road if you get stopped. 457

It's been six weeks since Maria left Puerto Rico in shambles. The hurricane-ravaged island is still contending with widespread power and water shortages, and dozens of stores remain closed.But for employees of three stores, being without work hasn't meant being without a paycheck.TJX Companies, which owns TJ Maxx, Marshalls and HomeGoods, has continued to pay its employees. 384

INDIANAPOLIS -- An Indianapolis lawyer is accused of flashing a bus carrying a girls' basketball team on two separate occasions while driving. Norwell High School girls’ basketball coach Eric Thornton said he was driving the girls to a tournament in June when a man pulled up beside their bus on I-70 near the airport and exposed himself. “He knew it was a school bus,” said Thornton. “(He) knew it was high school aged females on the bus.”The man, who police have identified as Raymond Fairchild, then exited the highway before the team could get the license plate on his Honda CRV. “The girls were horrified and just very disturbed,” said Thornton. In an attempt to identify the alleged flasher, Thornton posted a photo taken moments before the incident on social media. That post made its way to Union City where a second girls’ basketball team reported a similar incident last February – from what appeared to be the same man. “Once we found out that he’d done it before it was obvious this was a pattern,” said Thornton. It didn’t take long before someone on Facebook recognized that man as Fairchild and contacted investigators. The 71-year-old is listed as having a law office in downtown Indianapolis. “He should never be allowed to practice law again in my opinion,” said Thornton. “He should be put away for a time.”Fairchild now faces six counts of public nudity and indecency charges. His first court appearance is set for October 26. “It’s a crime against innocent, na?ve girls who just saw abnormal behavior and had no idea what would happen next,” said Thornton. “He needs to be severely punished for his behavior.”  1669