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Interview with woman who says she was inside the mall when the shooting happened. @LEX18News pic.twitter.com/DETGDZf4Ko— Eleanor Buckley (@elbuckleyTV) August 23, 2020 175

It's been said that 2020 will be known as "The Death of The Working Mom" as many find it is not humanly possible to manage distance learning, a career, and life at home. A digital marketplace for working mothers aims to make sure that women remain in the workforce and stay supported.As a single mom of three, Chandra Sanders does it all. And all was fine until the pandemic. “Due to COVID-19, my most recent project that I accepted was in commercial and retail, and that industry was seriously impacted from COVID-19 and was the first to shut down. Due to that shutdown, my project was shut down along with my income,” Sanders said.She refused to be negative though. And while stressed and anxious about her income, she turned to the internet.“I found the Mom Project doing a regular Google search online,” Sanders recalls. When she found it, The Mom Project happened to be hiring for its own team. She landed a job and couldn't be happier. Chief Community Officer Colleen Curtis says The Mom Project has now served over 2,000 companies and connected thousands of moms with employment.“People are coming to the realization that this can’t be how it is for everyone, forever,” Curtis said.The Mom Project was born in 2016, by you guessed it, a mom. Who, while on maternity leave, read a statistic. It said that 43 percent of skilled women leave the workforce after becoming mothers. Founder Allison Robinson didn't want moms like her to choose between a career and a family. Four years later and the digital marketplace is seeing change.“We’ve seen an incredible response from both sides of what I would say the marketplace, as a mom, we knew that the pain point was there for moms and it was really that we were feeling the tensions between being a great mom and being great at work but what we’re seeing is the incredible demand from companies,” Curtis said.When we asked what challenges women face now, as they navigate through the pandemic, Curtis says The Mom Project is noticing some tough things. “It's been disproportionately difficult for moms, specifically moms of color, but also, just moms. The emotional labor of adapting to new situations: work from home, kids are now home, all the way from babies to college kids, and your village has been stripped away,” Curtis said.Chandra Sanders says part of her new role at The Mom Project is to help other moms. Specifically, to help moms of color find and achieve her same success.“I must say it's the first job that I’ve had that I’ve felt welcome as a mom, as a woman, I didn’t have to hide that and as woman of color I didn’t have to hide that either,” Sanders said.Sanders says her former roles in commercial and retail industry were challenging. "Being a Black woman in an industry where I’m the only Black woman you have to be very careful about what you say, how you dress, the tone of voice that you’re using and you have to be careful about everything that you do,” Sanders said.Now she's on a mission to both change the workforce and pave the way for others.“Many companies now have these initiatives, want to hire a diverse workforce they really want that- their human resource departments are in charge of reaching out to the mom project and to candidates to ensure their workforce is diverse.”And she says, she's been there. Laid off, struggling as a single mom. She wants others to know, focusing on the good and the positive will help propel you forward.“I can do it, and I did it and we’re going to make sure other people can do it too,” Sanders said. As for 2020, The Mom Project aims to make sure it will in no way be the end of the working mom. 3628

It may not be as oft-quoted as the First Amendment or as contested as the Second Amendment, but the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution plays a critical role in supporting some of our closest-held notions of American freedom and equality.For one, it clearly states that American citizenship is a birthright for all people who are born on American soil -- something that President Donald Trump has announced he wants to end. Not only would this unravel 150 years of American law, it would loosen a significant cornerstone of the Constitution's interpretation of American identity.In order to better understand this part of the 14th Amendment, we asked two experts in constitutional and immigration law to walk us through the first section. The amendment has five sections, but we will only be dealing with the first, which contains the Citizenship Clause and three other related clauses.But first, some historyThe 14th Amendment is known as a Reconstruction amendment, because it was added to the Constitution after the Civil War in 1868. That places it at an important historical crossroads, when lingering wounds of divisiveness and animosity still plagued the nation and the reality of a post-slavery America begged contentious racial and social questions."Thomas Jefferson said men were created equal, but the original Constitution betrayed that promise by allowing for slavery," says Jeffrey Rosen. "The 13th, 14th and 15th amendments were designed to enshrine Lincoln's promise of a new America."However, as so often is the case, this reaffirmed American ideal fell short of reality. Rosen notes that issues of civil rights and equal treatment continued to be denied to African Americans, LGBT people and other citizens for more than a century after the amendment's ratification.And Erika Lee points out that Native Americans weren't even allowed to become citizens until 1925."Even as [these amendments] were written, obviously there were major built-in inequalities and maybe at the time weren't intended to apply to everyone," Lee says.Why was citizenship by birthright such an important concept?"Citizenship was a central question left open by the original Constitution," says Rosen. "At the time it was written, the Constitution assumed citizenship, but it didn't provide any rules for it. In the infamous Dred Scott decision, the Chief Justice said African Americans can't be citizens of the US and 'had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.'"The US Supreme Court's ruling in the Dred Scott case, named for a slave who unsuccessfully sued for his freedom, has since been widely condemned.READ MORE: Scott v. Sandford"The 14th Amendment was designed to overturn this decision and define citizenship once and for all, and it was based on birthright," Rosen says. "It is really important that it's a vision of citizenship based on land rather than blood. It is an idea that anyone can be an American if they commit themselves to our Constitutional values."What does it mean to be "subject to the jurisdiction thereof?"According to Rosen, this is one of the greatest questions of citizenship. There are two clear examples of people not subject to the jurisdictions of the United States: diplomats and their children, and -- at the time of the 14th Amendment -- Native Americans, who were not recognized as part of the American populace."With those two exceptions, everyone who was physically present in the United States was thought to be under its jurisdiction," Rosen says. "There are numerous Supreme Court cases that reaffirm that understanding, and almost as importantly, there are lots of congressional statutes that assume birthright citizenship."Some scholars, like John Eastman of the Claremont Institute's Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, have argued that children of illegal immigrants are not "subject to the jurisdiction" of the US and thus should not be considered citizens under the Constitution.But Rosen says this is a minority view among constitutional scholars of all political backgrounds."While the Supreme Court has not explicitly ruled [on the instance of children of illegal immigrants], Congress has passed all kinds of laws presuming their citizenship," Rosen says.What is the connection between birthright citizenship and immigration?In 1898, 30 years after the 14th Amendment was adopted, the Supreme Court reached a defining decision in a case known as the United States v. Wong Kim Ark. Lee explains that Wong Kim Ark was the American-born son of Chinese immigrants."Asian immigrants were the first immigrants to the US that couldn't be considered white," Lee says. "So they are treated differently. They are taxed differently, they are stripped of many rights. In the 1880s, they are excluded from immigration and barred from citizenship."READ MORE: The United States v. Wong Kim ArkSo, the main question of the case was, could a person born in America be a citizen in a place where his parents could not be as well? The Supreme Court decided yes, and the case remains the first defining legal decision made under the banner of birthright citizenship."[The Supreme Court's decision] said that the right of citizenship is not a matter of inheritance, that it never descends from generation to generation, it is related to where you're born," Lee says. "It's about the power of place. That has been a very expansive, and at the time, a corrective measure to a more exclusionary definition both legally as well as culturally as to what an American is."Why must it be stated that the privileges of citizenship need to be protected?Before the Civil War, states didn't necessarily have to follow the provisions stated in the Bill of Rights; only Congress had to. The 14th Amendment changed that."This second sentence of the Amendment means that states have to respect the Bill of Rights as well as basic civil rights and the rights that come along with citizenship," Rosen says. "The idea was that there were rights that were so basic; so integral to citizenship that they could not be narrowed by the states."Despite the promises and protections of citizenship, Lee says it is abundantly clear that different racial groups were, and often are, seen as unable or unworthy to function as true American citizens. After all, basic rights of citizenship, like suffrage and equal treatment, were denied certain racial groups for a hundred years after the 14th Amendment."The idea of a law applying to 'all people' seems to be clear. But in reality, the debate and the laws and practices that get established are very much based on a hierarchy of, well sure, all persons, but some are more fit and some are more deserving than others," she says.Throughout history, Asian immigrants, Mexican immigrants, Muslim immigrants and their children, to name a few, have had unspoken cultural caveats applied to their ability to be Americans."For Asian immigrants, the racial argument at the time was that 'It didn't matter whether one were born in the US or not, Asians as a race, are unassimilable. They are diametrically opposite from us Americans,'" Lee says."That was the argument that was used to intern Japanese citizens. It was the denial of citizenship in favor of race: 'The ability to become American, the ability to assimilate, they just didn't have it.'"Why was it important to legalize rights for non-citizens?So far, we've covered the first clause, the Citizenship Clause, and the second, the Privileges and Immunities Clause. These both deal with American citizens.The final two clauses, the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection clause, are a little different, and deal with the rights of all people in the United States.Eagle-eyed Constitution readers will notice that the 14th Amendment contains a "due process" clause very similar to the Fifth Amendment. This, says Rosen, was a technical addition to ensure the Fifth Amendment wasn't theoretically narrowed down to protect only American citizens."The 14th Amendment distinguishes between the privileges of citizenship and the privileges of all people," Rosen says. "The framers [of the amendment] thought there were certain rights that were so important that they should be extended to all persons, and in order to specify that they needed a new 'due process' clause."What does it mean to have 'equal protection of the laws'?"At the time following the Civil War, at its core, it meant all persons had the right to be protected by the police, that the laws of the country should protect all people," Rosen says. "In the 20th century, more broader questions were litigated under the 14th Amendment, like Brown v. Board of Education -- whether segregation was constitutional. Cases involving the internment of Japanese citizens, case from the marriage equality decisions, even Roe vs. Wade have strains of equal protection language and invoke due process law."READ MORE: Brown v. Board of EducationAnother interesting case that speaks directly to the immigration side of the 14th Amendment debate is the 1982 case of Plyler v. Doe, in which the Supreme Court ruled it was unconstitutional for the state of Texas to deny funding for undocumented immigrant children.READ MORE: Plyler v. DoeWhy are we talking about all this right now?This week,?Trump vowed to end the right to citizenship for the children of non-citizens and unauthorized immigrants born on US soil.But his interest in repealing birthright citizenship isn't a new idea. Lee says for the last 30 years or so, there have been several overtures by the political right to explore "citizenship reform," a timeline that she says aligns with the ascendancy of modern American conservatism.Lee fears if the current push to end birthright citizenship is successful, it could have wider implications than most people assume. People from other countries who are here legally on work or student visas, for instance, could have children who do not legally belong to the only country they know."There have been attempts since the 1990s to break away birthright citizenship, or narrow it down, and it did not seem that they would have a chance at succeeding until now," she says."To me this not only reflects the ascendancy of an extreme right position but also a return to a very narrow and exclusionary definition of Americanness." 10356

It’s been four months since most of the nation’s schools abruptly shut down because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, schools are considering reopening, while COVID-19 cases continue to rise. So what’s changed that supposedly makes a return to campus safe?“Occasionally you have schools close because there's an outbreak of measles or flu or something like that, but not to this scale,” Dr. Elizabeth Hinde, Dean of the School of Education at Metropolitan State University of Denver, said.Districts are scrambling to figure out how to return to school this fall as COVID-19 continues to spread across the U.S.Back in March, almost every school was forced to close, a mindset much different than today's.So what has changed? We sat down with a global health affairs professor, an education expert, and an infectious disease doctor to look at the changes between now and four months ago.Within the span of a week, states told their schools to shut down.“When everything closed down in March, we were comforting a new disease, we were terrified at what it could do,” Dr. Sandy Johnson, director of the global health affairs program at the University of Denver, said.Little was known about COVID-19.“School closures are always a part of the mitigation strategy along with quarantine, stay at home orders, etcetera,” Dr. John Hammer, an infectious disease specialist at Rose Medical Center, said. “The difference between March and now is that we have a better sense of how the virus works. How it’s transmitted.”There’s more to this decision than a better understanding of the virus.“When we’re talking about whether or not schools should open, another factor is the loss in achievement and also there are equity issues that have really come to the fore” Dr. Hinde said.Kids finished the school year from home -- some didn't have the proper tools or the support of a school, opening the door for inequity.“We know that there are mental health issues,” Dr. Johnson said. “Our front line social workers that are looking for domestic violence and we know domestic violence has been going up. So there are many important roles in addition to education that come in those schools.” This also includes food and housing insecurity.Another factor in consideration -- teacher health.“These folks are balancing fear. Fear for their health, fear for the health of their families, with this real desire. They understand how important education is,” Dr. Johnson said.“There's just no definitive answers that principals and superintendents and teachers can lean on,” Dr. Hinde said.What was a state decision in the spring has now been put on the shoulders of school districts, as they weigh the pros and cons of returning to in-person learning.“Every school board, every school district, has to make a very tough decision. It is a very delicate balancing act,” Dr. Hammer said.“Local control is a strength in American schools, but it does make decision making very complex, because the superintendents of schools and principals are listening to all these different voices,” Dr. Hinde said.From teacher health and safety, to inequities in learning and the mental health of children, school leaders have a lot of elements to look at when it comes to opening classroom doors.“I think in the next couple weeks we’ll see decisions made,” Dr. Hinde said. “All of this, it’s a new world.” 3367

In most states, it is illegal to sell or give tobacco products to someone who is 18 years old or younger.But many are increasing the legal age to 21 years old.Cincinnati, Ohio just became the 16th city in that state to do so. The state's minimum age is 18. (There is no minimum age at which someone in Ohio may legally use tobacco products.)Minimum ages for purchasing tobacco have been set at the state level dating all the way back to the late 1800s.Increasing the legal age is an effort to reduce habitual smoking among young people.The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says most long-term tobacco use begins when a smoker is an adolescent, and nearly 90 percent of smokers have their first cigarette by age 18. 742

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