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He's the most popular figure in the Democratic Party by far, revered by liberals, moderates and even some Republicans.But former President 151

Her name is not "Emily Doe." It is not "unconscious, intoxicated woman." Nor is it "victim of Stanford University swimmer Brock Turner."It's Chanel Miller.For the first time since her 2015 rape, she is telling her story not from behind a curtain of anonymity, but as herself -- attributed and for the record -- in the aptly titled, "Know My Name."In releasing the book, says publisher Penguin Random House, Miller is reclaiming her identity. Her struggles with shame and isolation provide a microcosm into the oppression that sexual assault victims -- even those with supposedly "perfect" cases -- experience, it says."Her story illuminates a culture biased to protect perpetrators, indicts a criminal justice system designed to fail the most vulnerable, and, ultimately, shines with the courage required to move through suffering and live a full and beautiful life," 879

Gerardo Serrano lives in rural Kentucky for peace and quiet. However, a story involving his truck and a trip across the U.S.- Mexico border suddenly made his life a bit more complicated. "I love my country, but if we have policies like this, forget it. I can't live in a place like this," Serrano says. It all started when Serrano decided to visit his cousin in Mexico. He got in his truck and drove down to Texas. As he reached the border, he took out his phone to snap a couple photos. "A border patrol agent walks by, and so I got his picture," Serrano recalls. What happened next completely took him by surprise. "He opens the door, unlocks my seat belt, and yanks me out of the truck, like some kind of rag doll," he says. "I said, 'Hey listen, I'm an American. You can't do that. I have rights.’" The border agent asked for his phone, but when he refused to give up his passcode, he was suddenly surrounded by five patrol agents searching his truck. "There's a guy that yells out, ‘We got him,’ and he puts his hand out and there was my magazine with five bullets in it." Serrano didn't realize five bullets had been left in the center console. He didn't think it'd be a problem since he had a license to conceal and carry, but then they sent him to a jail cell on the property. "Four hours go by, and then all of the sudden they say, ‘You can go.’" All Serrano had to do was sign a paper. "So, I put my shoes on, I look at the paper, and about the second sentence or so, it says, 'I'm gonna confiscate your truck.'" The paper said Gerardo was trying to smuggle "munitions of war" across the border. "You can't start a revolution with bullets like that," he says. "You can't start a war with that. But that's what they got me for." Since he knew he was innocent, Serrano expected to get his truck back very soon. When that didn’t happen, he contacted the Institute for Justice for help."The Institute for Justice, or IJ, is a nonprofit law firm that represents individuals whose most basic rights are violated by the government," Dr. Dick Carpenter, director of strategic research, says.What Serrano experienced is a legal and commonly used law enforcement tactic known as civil forfeiture. "Most people are familiar with criminal forfeiture. When somebody commits a crime, they're charged and convicted, and then as a result they have to give up property related to that crime," Dr. Carpenter explains. "But in civil forfeiture, no person is charged with a crime. Instead the property is charged and convicted."Civil forfeiture is used by the government to seize property that may have been involved in a crime, even if the owner was not. That property could be anything from cash, to a boat, a house, or in Serrano's case, his truck.Civil forfeiture has been on the books since the country was founded in the 1700s. Originally it was used to fight piracy, but the federal government expanded the policy during the War on Drugs in the 1980s. Now there's concern it gives law enforcement reason not only to violate the rights of citizens but to police for profit, as well. Stefan Cassella is a former prosecutor. He's used civil forfeiture to help win convictions in court, but he agrees there is some reasoning behind the concern."Are police out there seizing cash from the back of a car, because they think they will ultimately be able to use that to supplement their budget? That's a perfectly legitimate concern," he says. "The response to that is congress enacted that procedure because they wanted to encourage state and federal cooperation. There's just not enough federal agents to go around to police every county in the United States."Casella spent 30 years with the Department of Justice. He believes civil forfeiture is necessary in most cases because even if the owner of the property hasn't committed a crime, that property could help lead law enforcement to someone who has."You need it to be able to go after property when the defendant who committed the crime is a fugitive, is fighting extradition, or cannot be identified," he says. "You still have to prove the crime, and you still have to prove the property was derived from the crime, but without the ability to prosecute the individual, you'd have no other alternative.”Cassella says the government uses civil forfeiture to recover property stolen in foreign countries, to recover assets used to finance terrorism, to recover artwork stolen overseas, and to recover fraud money."I did a case involving a woman who defrauded terminally ill cancer patients by charging them huge sums of money for worthless medical procedures and then fleeing to Mexico where she was a fugitive, leaving behind her property in Oklahoma. If you didn't have civil forfeiture, you could not recover that property and try to get it back to the victims."So what about cases like Serrano's? He wasn't charged or arrested in his run-in with border patrol, but it took nearly two years for him to get his truck back. That's because U.S. Border Patrol is exempt from the 90-day limit for law enforcement to push the civil forfeiture paperwork forward. Serrano says it's not clear why that is."The DEA does 14,000 seizures a year. The FBI does between 4,000 to 5,000 seizures a year. Customs does about 60,000 seizures a year," he says. "So, I don't know what the reasoning was, but for whatever reason, Congress exempted customs cases."After multiple calls and emails to U.S. Border Patrol, we have yet to hear back.Serrano says getting his truck wasn't as special of a moment as he had anticipated, because what's most important to him is that what happened in his case doesn't continue."You're violating people's rights," he says. "This kind of policy doesn't belong here."Serrano is part of a class-action lawsuit. The case is pending in the appellate court and is scheduled to be heard in the fall."I don't want this in my country. I know, I know that it's unconstitutional."*************************************************If you’d like to contact the journalist for this story, email Elizabeth Ruiz at elizabeth.ruiz@scripps.com 6097

From the middle of the Obama administration to the midpoint of the Trump presidency, household income grew the most in tech and entertainment centers like Austin, Texas; Nashville, Tennessee; and large chunks of the West Coast.Congressional districts that attract highly educated workers around areas like Denver and Charlotte, North Carolina, were among the communities that saw mean household income rise the most from 2013 to 2018, according to new figures released Thursday by the U.S. Census Bureau.Other congressional districts that had the highest household income growth were in or around Houston; Pittsburgh; Provo, Utah; parts of South Florida and the wealthy retirement haven of Sarasota, Florida.Most of the income growth in these areas came from wages, said Mark Vitner, a senior economist at Wells Fargo Securities.“Metro areas tied to technology have tended to perform best, although global gateways and energy markets had their moment in the sun earlier in the decade,” Vitner said.Household income grew more in Democratic-leaning districts than Republican ones, according to an Associated Press analysis of the data by congressional districts. Household income grew by an average of more than ,000 in Democratic-leaning congressional districts, compared to more than ,000 in Republican-leaning districts.What impact that has going into the 2020 elections remains to be seen, experts said.“Surely new evidence of income level rises in coastal and more highly educated districts relative to others plays to the Democrats’ strength,” said William Frey, a senior fellow at The Brookings Institution. “But it also makes clear they need to redouble their efforts to court non-college voters in less prosperous districts in the run-up to the 2020 election.”The greater income growth in Democratic-leaning districts likely had to do with the fact that they’re in cities where incomes tend to be higher, Vitner said.“Republican districts tend to be more rural and have lower wages,” he said.In some areas, the growth in household income was enormous. In House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s district, located in San Francisco, the epicenter of the last decade’s tech boom, household income jumped by a third from almost 0,500 to more than 0,000.In other areas, income growth was significantly more modest.In the district that covers Huntington, West Virginia, average household income only went up 5% to about ,500. The area represented by Republican Rep. Carol Miller has been gripped by the struggles of the coal industry and is losing population.Some industrial areas also have struggled to adjust to changing circumstances.“The difficulty that some manufacturing areas have been facing is that they have not been able to re-position their economies quick enough to stem the outflow of younger workers,” Vitner said.__Follow Mike Schneider on Twitter at 2883

FULLERTON, Calif. – The body of a missing woman was found in a moving truck in Southern California, according to the Anaheim Police Department. 156