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Comedian Jim Carrey will appear as Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden this season on "Saturday Night Live.""SNL" released a promo of Carrey and Maya Rudolph, who's playing Democratic vice president nominee Kamala Harris, via Twitter on Thursday. 260
Colgate, Cream of Wheat and Mrs. Butterworth are the latest brands reckoning with racially charged logos. New York-based Colgate-Palmolive say it's reviewing its Darlie toothpaste brand, which is popular in Asia. Prior to 1989, the brand was known as Darkie and featured a singer in blackface as its logo. New Jersey-based B&G Foods, which makes Cream of Wheat hot cereal, said it’s reviewing its logo, which features a smiling black chef holding a bowl of cereal. Cream of Wheat's packaging includes an image of a black chef. In early advertisements, copy refers to the chef as "Rastus" — a term now considered a slur. The name refers to a minstrel show caricature of a stereotypically happy black man. Uncle Ben's rice, which also uses a black man's portrait on its packaging, said it planned to "evolve" the brand, but did not offer specifics.And Chicago-based Conagra Brands says its female-shaped Mrs. Butterworth's bottles are intended to evoke a “loving grandmother.” But the company said the packaging could be misinterpreted. "We stand in solidarity with our Black and Brown communities and we can see that our packaging may be interpreted in a way that is wholly inconsistent with our values," the company said in a statement. The soul-searching comes in the wake of PepsiCo’s announcement that it’s renaming its Aunt Jemima syrup brand. 1359
COLFAX, Calif. (AP) — Gov. Gavin Newsom defended California's wildfire prevention efforts Wednesday while criticizing the federal government for not doing enough to help protect the state as it enters the height of fire season after two deadly, disastrous years.His jab at Republican President Donald Trump, who has repeatedly criticized California's Democratic leaders for poor forest management, comes a day after Newsom signed a law requiring Trump and other presidential candidates to disclose their tax returns in order to appear on the state's primary ballot.Newsom said 33 of 35 high-priority forest-thinning projects are on pace to be completed on schedule by year's end after he eased environmental laws to speed permits. They are designed to slow the spread of devastating wildfires near more than 200 communities in fire-prone areas by removing brush and smaller trees.The most recent records provided Wednesday by the state's firefighting agency show many of the projects are getting a slow start. Just two of the 35 projects are substantially complete as California enters what CalFire Chief Thom Porter warned could be another damaging fire season that has been slowed by last winter's heavy, lingering snow at higher elevations. Three more projects are at least half done, while the report says two-thirds are less than 20% completed, though some of the status updates are more than a month old.Officials said the bulk of the delays are in getting permits and permission from private landowners. Newsom said one project has required 719 permits despite his effort to cut through the red tape, while another has been slowed by illegal marijuana farms in the area where work is to be done.Clearing and prescribed burning should pick up this fall, Porter said."That's going remarkably well," Newsom said. "It's not perfect but we are making progress."Community leaders seemed understanding of the progress."If 33 of the 35 are going to be done by year's end, that's pretty speedy. We've seen it take three to five years. Our fire safe council has had a terrible time doing those projects," said Paradise Mayor Jody Jones, whose community north of Sacramento was nearly destroyed by a deadly blaze last fall. "It's really a very arduous process."Farther north, Shasta County Supervisor Les Baugh said that once the state gets the necessary agreements from landowners, "crews should be able to move rapidly" on a project to protect the community of Shingletown.Newsom spoke after touring a project near Colfax in the Sierra Nevada foothills northeast of Sacramento that officials said is about 30% complete. The state's project butts up against federal land, however, and Newsom said "there's nothing happening on the other side of that line.""We need a more robust commitment" from the federal government, he said. "We need more support."But while the Democratic governor and Trump differ on policies like the environment and immigration, Newsom said there has been good cooperation with federal agencies when it comes to disasters and violence like Sunday's mass shooting at Northern California's Gilroy Garlic Festival.Newsom said he talked to Trump on Tuesday for the second time in 10 days, though he would not say what they discussed. The White House confirmed the call but did not respond to his criticism.Newsom also said he did not regard the state's new tax return disclosure law as "a swipe" at Trump, calling it a "transparency requirement" that also will apply to gubernatorial candidates. He noted his own tax returns will show his family has several acres of property that belonged to his late father in the Colfax area that will benefit from the wildfire safety project.The governor also announced the state will hire nearly 400 additional seasonal firefighters this year. Most of the new firefighters will be used to add a fourth crew member on CalFire engines, while two-dozen will supervise firefighting crews made up of members of the California National Guard.As a result, "our firefighters will continue to work incredibly long shifts without being driven to a breaking point," said Tim Edwards, president of the union representing about 6,500 CalFire firefighters. 4205
Customers are still sitting down for a cold beer at Joyride Brewing in Edgewater, Colorado.“We always talk about stopping and smelling the hops. It’s all about the joy ride of life,” said Grant Babb, the owner of Joyride Brewing.That’s despite new state rules that state bars must serve food to stay open, and Joyride doesn't serve food.“It makes you lose a little sleep at night, not knowing every day when you wake up if you have to do something different. It’s trying to shoot at a bullseye and just watching it constantly move,” said Babb.Babb had to make arrangements with multiple food trucks and the restaurant down the street to stay open. That’s because the recent spike in COVID-19 cases has led the state to put its economic restart plans on hold.“In our case, we schedule out food trucks about a month and a half in advance, and we’re working with only the food trucks we’re trusted partners with,” said Babb.Colorado isn’t the only state backtracking due to the surge. According to a tracker from the New York Times, 15 states are pausing plans to reopen and six are reversing course and shutting some things back down.Arizona is one of those states where bars, gyms, and theaters have been ordered closed once again. Restaurants there fear the same might happen to them soon if new COVID-19 cases aren’t curbed.“You can’t simply turn off and turn on a restaurant operation,” said Steve Churci, the head of the Arizona Restaurant Association. He says the toll of shutting down those businesses for a second time would be crushing.“If you were to shut down, what happens to the suicide rate? Does that go up? What happens to the homelessness rate, people losing their homes? So, there’s a whole other sad and unfortunate contingent that would be impacted by this,” said Churci.Churci says service industry workers employ almost a quarter-million people and the state has lost 5 million in revenue from food sales. He says in a normal year, US restaurants sell 0 billion worth of food.“Almost a trillion-dollar industry. So, we often say we’re the cornerstone of our communities. We’re the heart and soul of America in the restaurant industry, and we are,” said Churci. For Joyride, the losses have been heavy as well.“We, we’re down 80 percent in the month of March, April, May. And then June, we’re still seeing a significant decrease, we’re down definitely 40 percent,” said Babb. For Babb, the money hurt, but letting his staff go was harder.“It’s the most painful thing you can do is tell an employee that we don’t have any work for you,” he said.He says it will hurt even more if he has to send his staff home again. 2647
COMPTON, Calif. – Dr. Keith Claybrook says he'll never forget the way he felt when a national guardsman was stationed near his backyard in Compton During the 1992 Los Angeles riots.The uprising happened after a jury acquitted four L.A. police officers in the caught-on-camera beating of Rodney King, a Black man.“I have vivid memories of a national guardsman being posted on the roof. Here’s a national guardsman, looking over the side of a building, automatic weapon in hand, as far as I’m concerned, 13 years old, staring at my dad and I. Why are you standing on this roof looking at a man and his son doing lawn maintenance?” asked Claybrook.Shades of ’92 -- that’s all Keith says he sees this year, especially in Portland.“In my experiences, and in my studies, and in my conversation with other people, the presence of law enforcement in general, and the presence of other, you know the national guard, forces like that, it doesn’t do anything but escalate the situation," said Claybrook.Federal forces have been used in the past on U.S. soil for a variety of reasons.We found more than 10 examples in the last 100 years. From dispersing protesters after World War I in Washington D.C., to integrating schools in the south in 1950s and ‘60s, to the Los Angeles Riots in 1992."It is rare, and it's usually used in extraordinary circumstances," said Kevin Baron, the founder of Defense One, an online publication focusing on national security, foreign policy and the U.S. military.He says there are some big differences between what happened in Portland, and what happened in some of these other instances."At least in L.A., for example, the U.S. soldiers and National Guard were asked to come in and bring peace and deter further rioting and violence that was happening," said Barron.In the case of Portland, the mayor, and the governor of Oregon have been on record several times saying they did not want federal law enforcement involved.“No one knew who these people were originally. Right? It was these, people who suddenly arrived dressed in camouflage, military uniforms, with very little markings indicating who they are,” said Ian Farrell, a professor at the University of Denver Sturm College of Law.His main focus teaching is constitutional and criminal law. He says while people were confused at first, there was legal basis for the officers to be in Portland."There is a section of the U.S. federal code that authorizes homeland security, get employees of homeland security and have them protect federal property and the people on federal property," said Farrell.There are other things about what happened in Portland that stand out as well.“They seem to be essentially abducting people off the streets,” said Farrell."The image of them as militarized, wearing combat fatigues, without insignia using rental cars and unmarked vehicles," said Barron.“Individuals walking on the streets and a minivan would pull up and these camouflaged, officers, as it turned out, would just grab them and put them in the minivan and drive off,” said Farrell.U.S. Customs and Border Patrol said in a statement its agents did in fact pick up protesters in vans, but did so for the safety of everyone.As of July 31, federal law enforcement had arrested at least 25 protestors in Portland.Claybrook says while they are differences between Portland in 2020 and L.A. in 1992, it’s the similarities that stick out to him.“I’m still questioning what law of the land is being enforced in 2020. I don’t know, to bring in that level of policing,” said Claybrook. 3557