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There's a new push to acknowledge the greater impact of racism on health.Three Democratic lawmakers created the Anti-Racism and Public Health Act, which would create two new programs within the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).One is a National Center for Anti-Racism to research health disparities and develop policies to close the divide. The other is a new program within the CDC’s Center for Injury Prevention and Control that would be focused on preventing law enforcement violence.The bill also calls on the federal government to declare racism a public health crisis. Meanwhile, many state and local governments have already done that.The American Public Health Association says federal action would identify racism as an issue of national importance.“I think the goal is to get us to take our heads of the sand and not be afraid to call racism for what it is,” said Dr. Georges Benjamin, Executive Director at the American Public Health Association.Benjamin says the pandemic has shown the extent of racism as a health issue, pointing to matters that prevent people of color from getting tested and the apprehension Black men face when it comes to putting on a mask, because it can be seen as threatening.He says the stress can raise blood pressure and cause health issues.“If you actually go in and understand their life experiences, they have higher degrees of stress,” said Benjamin. “Stress, it changes a whole range of bodily hormones that have negative impacts on the body.”The American Public Health Association declared systemic racism a public health crisis in June, shortly after George Floyd’s death.A U.S. Senate version of the bill has been referred to committee. 1708

The YMCA of Metro Atlanta shut down both locations of its overnight summer camp after a staff member tested positive for coronavirus.Since then, other campers and staff have tested positive.The local YMCA says Camp High Harbour learned a counselor at its Lake Burton location tested positive for coronavirus on June 24.The counselor was immediately sent home, and camp leaders decided to close the Camp High Harbour campgrounds there and at Lake Allatoona.The Georgia Department of Public Health says at least 30 confirmed cases of the virus have been identified from camps at those lakes.The local YMCA notes the camp worked with the CDC and the American Camp Association when it was reopening the camp amid the pandemic. 730

Things are sizzling in the back of this food truck as burgers are served with a side of bravado.Mike Schuster and Dominic Maldonado have been in the food truck game for almost seven years, and in that time the industry has boomed.“When we first hit the road, I think there were maybe 230 licensed food trucks in all of Denver. I think now it’s over 500,” said Schuster.Doubled in Denver and nearly doubled across the US.According to the US Census, in 2013 there were almost 3,300 food trucks in the US. That number grew to just under 6,000 in 2018. Sales have risen from 0 million in 2012 to .2 billion in 2017.“We’ve seen it, we’ve seen it in front of office buildings, we see it in the downtown core. And I’m not just talking because of COVID, I’m talking a natural business marker, alive and well within the hospitality and restaurant industry,” said Steve Chucri, the president of the Arizona Restaurant Association He says food trucks are here to stay in his state as well.“I think they’ll always have their place and their spot in the industry," Chucri said.A unique opportunity that food trucks have, they are a to-go business and most social distance guidelines during the pandemic don’t hold them back in the same way they do sit down restaurants.But that doesn’t mean the industry is not facing its own challenges.“Back when April hit and everything shut down, it was about a month and a half straight for us of just wedding cancelations, graduation party cancelations, party after party everyday,” Schuster said.“Food trucks depending on those office buildings to have people pouring out at 12 noon everyday and going to a food truck and buying. So, they’ve got to be hurting just like all of us are,” said Chucri.But with challenges come opportunity so Maldonado and Schuster got to work and got creative.“We started going after some of the business to serve some of the front line workers during the pandemic so we started serving some of the workers at King Soopers who were working their butts off through the whole thing. We fed some the Aurora 911 services, the ambulance services because they were working their butts off. We started doing hospital servings. We found a way to find where people were hungry, working still, needed to eat, and just didn’t have a lot of viable options,” said Schuster.Getting creative to get by. Just like a lot of us over the last several months.One thing that doesn’t change, wherever Maldonado and Schuster serve food, they serve it with heart.“When people come back to the truck for seconds and thirds, because they just want to try every flavor of slider we have, even when they’re stuffed. Even just that, even when they don’t even say anything, you know that they love it and they see the smile on their face and it’s great,” said Schuster. 2809

They’ve been fighting in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania over the cutoff date for counting mailed ballots, and in North Carolina over witness requirements. Ohio is grappling with drop boxes for ballots as Texas faces a court challenge over extra days of early voting.Measuring the anxiety over the November election is as simple as tallying the hundreds of voting-related lawsuits filed across the country in recent months. The cases concern the fundamentals of the American voting process, including how ballots are cast and counted, during an election made unique by the coronavirus pandemic and by a president who refuses to commit to accepting the results.The lawsuits are all the more important because President Donald Trump has raised the prospect that the election may wind up before a Supreme Court with a decidedly Republican tilt if his latest nominee is confirmed.“This is a president who has expressed his opposition to access to mail ballots and has also seemed to almost foreshadow the inevitability that this election will be one decided by the courts,” said Kristen Clarke, executive director of the National Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.That opposition was on display Tuesday during the first presidential debate when Trump launched into an extended argument against mail voting, claiming without evidence that it is ripe for fraud and suggesting mail ballots may be “manipulated.”“This is going to be a fraud like you’ve never seen,” the president said of the massive shift to mail voting prompted by the pandemic.The lawsuits are a likely precursor for what will come afterward. Republicans say they have retained outside law firms, along with thousands of volunteer lawyers at the ready. Democrats have announced a legal war room of heavyweights, including a pair of former solicitors general.The race is already regarded as the most litigated in American history, due in large part to the massive expansion of mail and absentee voting. Loyola Law School professor Justin Levitt, a former Justice Department elections official, has tallied some 260 lawsuits arising from the coronavirus. The Republication National Committee says it’s involved in more than 40 lawsuits, and a website operated by a chief Democrat lawyer lists active cases worth watching in about 15 states.Democrats are focusing their efforts on multiple core areas — securing free postage for mail ballots, reforming signature-match laws, allowing ballot collection by third-parties like community organizations and ensuring that ballots postmarked by Election Day can count. Republicans warn that those same requests open the door to voter fraud and confusion and are countering efforts to relax rules on how voters cast ballots this November.“We’re trying to prevent chaos in the process,” RNC chief counsel Justin Riemer said in an interview. “Nothing creates more chaos than rewriting a bunch of rules at the last minute.”But there have been no broad-based, sweeping examples of voter fraud during past presidential elections, including in 2016, when Trump claimed the contest would be rigged and Russians sought to meddle in the outcome.Some of the disputes are unfolding in states not traditionally thought of as election battlegrounds, such as Montana, where there is a highly competitive U.S. Senate race on the ballot. A judge Wednesday rejected an effort by Trump’s reelection campaign and Republican groups to block counties from holding the general election mostly by mail.But most of the closely watched cases are in states perceived as up-for-grabs in 2020 and probably crucial to the race.That includes Ohio, where a coalition of voting groups and Democrats have sued to force an expansion of ballot drop boxes from more than just one per county. Separately on Monday, a federal judge rejected changes to the state’s signature-matching requirement for ballots and ballot applications, handing a win to the state’s Republican election chief who has been engulfed with litigation this election season.In Arizona, a judge’s ruling that voters who forget to sign their early ballots have up to five days after the election to fix the problem is now on appeal before the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.A federal appeals court on Tuesday upheld a six-day extension for counting absentee ballots in Wisconsin as long as they are postmarked by Election Day. The ruling gave Democrats in the state at least a temporary victory in a case that could nonetheless by appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. In neighboring Michigan, the GOP is suing to try to overturn a decision that lets the state count absentee ballots up to 14 days after the election.In battleground North Carolina, where voters are already struggling with rules requiring witness signatures on absentee ballots, the RNC and Trump’s campaign committee have sued over new election guidance that will permit ballots with incomplete witness information to be fixed without the voter having to fill out a new blank ballot.In Iowa, the Trump campaign and Republican groups have won a series of sweeping legal victories in their attempts to limit absentee voting, with judges throwing out tens of thousands of absentee ballot applications in three counties. This week, another judge upheld a new Republican-backed law that will make it harder for counties to process absentee ballot applications.Pennsylvania has been a particular hive of activity.Republican lawmakers asked the U.S. Supreme Court on Monday to put a hold on a ruling by the state’s highest court that extends the deadline for receiving and counting mailed-in ballots. Republicans also object to a portion of the state court’s ruling that orders counties to count ballots that arrive during the three-day extension period even if they lack a postmark or legible postmark.Meanwhile in federal court, Republicans are suing to, among other things, outlaw drop boxes or other sites used to collect mail-in ballots.The Supreme Court itself has already been asked to get involved in several cases, as it did in April, when conservative justices blocked Democratic efforts to extend absentee voting in Wisconsin during the primary.There is, of course, precedent for an election that ends in the courts. In 2000, the Supreme Court settled a recount dispute in Florida, effectively handing the election to Republican George W. Bush.Barry Richard, a Florida lawyer who represented Bush during that litigation, said there’s no guarantee the Supreme Court will want to get involved again, or that any lawsuit over the election will present a compelling issue for the bench to address.One significant difference between then and now, he said, is that neither candidate raised the prospect of not accepting the results.“There was never any question, in 2000, about the essential integrity of the system. Neither candidate challenged it,” Richard said. “Nobody even talked about whether or not the losing candidate would accept the results of the election. That was just assumed.”_____Follow Eric Tucker on Twitter at http://www.twitter.com/etuckerAP 7075

To end the pandemic, there need to be enough people immune to COVID-19 and there are two ways to do that: immunity through infection or from a vaccine."I think racing to herd immunity is the dangerous thing that I’m concerned about," said Dr. Stuart Ray, a professor of medicine at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine.Herd immunity is when the spread of the infection cannot be sustained because the number of people who are immune is high enough. Some countries are considering it as a strategy to combat COVID-19.But Ray said it could not work in the US unless much more effective treatments are developed.He says on average, a newly infected person infects two others, so to have herd immunity from COVID-19 about 60 percent of people would have to become immune."We would have something like another 100 million people, maybe more, infected. 150 million more and even if the major complication rate is a fraction of 1 percent, we will still have huge numbers of deaths," said Ray.He said we also don’t know if just having had the infection once will create lasting immunity to control the spread."It possible that you could be immune enough not to get sick and still not immune enough to prevent that spread and so herd immunity is a tough bar for us to aim for because not only do we need 60 percent of people to be immune but we need them to be immune in a way that prevents them from infecting other people," said Ray.The other way to achieve herd immunity would be through a vaccine."Vaccines can work better, provide better immunity than the natural infection does. The new shingles vaccine provides great immunity and protects more than 95 percent of people from getting shingles," said Ray.Several vaccines are still going through the last phase of clinical trials to see if any also creates enough immunity to prevent passing the virus along.This story was first reported by Abby Isaacs at WMAR in Baltimore, Maryland. 1946