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Ice pops shipped to multiple states were recalled Monday because of concerns they may be contaminated with listeria.According to the FDA, approximately 3,000 cases of Budget $aver Cherry Pineapple Monster Pops and Sugar Free Twin Pops, produced by the Ziegenfelder Company of Wheeling, W. Va., are part of a voluntary recall.The ice pops were distributed to grocery stores and distributors in the following states: Florida, Alabama, Arkansas, Maine, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, Texas, Utah, Washington and Wyoming.The product was delivered from April 5 through April 19, 2018.No illnesses or incidents involving the product have been reported.The frozen products were sold 12 to a package under the brand names Budget $aver Cherry Pineapple Monster Pops and Sugar Free Twin Pops.The Cherry Pineapple Monster Pops carry the UPC code 0-74534-84200-9, and have lot codes D09418A through D10018B.The Sugar Free Pops carry the UPC code 0-74534-75642-9, and have lot codes D09318A through D10018B. The voluntary recall was the result of a routine state inspection of the company’s Denver production facility which found listeria in samples collected by the inspector.The FDA said that Ziegenfelder Company has stopped the production and distribution at the plant as the state of Colorado and the company continue to investigate the problem.Consumers who have purchased the affected ice pops are urged to return them to the place of purchase for a full refund. Contact the company at 1-888-683-0379, Mon-Fri 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. if you have questions. 1641

House Democrats have failed to override President Donald Trump’s veto of a measure that would have reversed the Education Department’s tough policy on loan forgiveness for students misled by for-profit colleges. The House voted 238-173 on Friday in support of the override measure, coming up short of the two-thirds majority needed to send it to the Senate. It's a victory for Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, whose policy on student loan disputes was in jeopardy after Congress voted to reverse it in March. It now remains in place and will take effect July 1.The resolution would have repealed the final rules related to discharges of loans for borrower defense to loan repayment and other circumstances and prohibit reissuing similar rules in the future, according to the Congressional Budget Office. 812

Hurricane Harvey was a big headline in 2017. A year later, many continue to recover from the storm. They’re also remembering the government’s response, as they head to the polls to cast their ballots in the upcoming midterm election.“Yes, for the last three and a half years, walking into this house has been very depressing, I would say,” says Houston homeowner Greg Roberts.It hasn’t been easy for the Roberts, who live in Houston’s Meyerland neighborhood."We got flooded out in 2015, 2016, and 2017 with Harvey, as well," Roberts says.The Roberts haven’t lived in this home since it was first flooded in 2015. Harvey brought in more flood damage.Now, the couple is raising their home's foundation higher than the levels Harvey's waters reached. "If you look up and down the streets of this neighborhood and many others, you will find many others that have been lifted or completely demolished," Roberts says.Many residents in the area are preparing for the next storm. But the past isn't lost in this election cycle.  "The topic of flooding and recovery from flooding has not left the public conscious for at least the last three years, probably before, especially the past three and a half years,” Roberts says.Roberts says it’s a major talking point for politicians in Texas.After so much flooding, the Roberts say they've already answered another tough question about their future. Why do they stay?“That's a good question,” Roberts says. “It's a person by person decision; there's no question about that. We love for years. We fought for years to get into this neighborhood. So, we just really love the areas."There were a lot of things we really love about this neighborhood, so we stuck it out. We prayed about it thought about it and took all things into consideration." 1808

HOUSTON (AP) — Shackled at their ankles and wrists and their shoelaces removed, a long line of men and women waited on the tarmac as a team of officers patted them down and checked inside their mouths for anything hidden.Then one by one, they climbed a mobile staircase and onto a charter plane the size of a commercial aircraft.This was a deportation flight run by ICE Air. The chains would be removed and the shoelaces returned when the plane landed in El Salvador.An obscure division of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement operates hundreds of flights each year to remove immigrants. Deportation flights are big business: The U.S. government has spent approximately billion on them in the last decade, and the Trump administration is seeking to raise ICE's budget for charter flights by 30 percent.ICE Air Operations transports detained immigrants between American cities and, for those with final removal orders, back to their home countries. About 100,000 people a year are deported on such flights.While Mexican immigrants are generally flown to southern U.S. cities and then driven to the border so they can cross over, Central Americans have to be transported by air. And the large numbers of Mexicans who used to cross the border have largely been replaced by migrants from three impoverished Central American countries: El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras.According to flight-tracking data, deportation flights to Guatemala and Honduras have sharply increased this year. And ICE's budget request for charter flights increased 30 percent last year compared to the year before.The agency estimated last year that it spends about ,785 per hour on the flights.ICE shifted to chartering private planes about a decade ago after previously using a government service with the U.S. Marshals. The agency says moving to private flights saves about million a year and gave it more flexibility. Charter flights also avoid putting large numbers of deported immigrants on commercial planes, which requires buying tickets for deportation officers accompanying them, or holding them in the U.S. for longer than necessary and tying up space in detention centers."I don't want to elongate anybody's detention with us," said Pat Contreras, director of enforcement and removal for ICE's Houston field office. "If a judge says you need to be removed, we should be expeditiously working to execute that order so that person does not spend any longer in detention than necessary."But migrant advocacy groups say ICE Air is an example of how tougher immigration enforcement — from detention to tracking to removal — enriches private companies."The way you would save money on ICE Air is by deporting fewer people, not by privatizing the industry," said Bob Libal, director of Grassroots Leadership, which opposes immigration detention."ICE is a largely privatized agency," Libal said. "In many ways, it's been captured by the industries that profit from deportation and detention."The Associated Press observed a deportation flight being loaded last month at a private terminal of Bush Intercontinental Airport in Houston.The Boeing 737 had no markings suggesting it was a deportation flight. Instead, it had the insignia of Swift Air, a private company that also flies charters for political campaigns and professional sports teams, including the NHL's Boston Bruins and Chicago Blackhawks. In this case, Swift Air had been hired by Classic Air Charters, a Huntington, New York-based company that won ICE's deportation flights contract last year.Classic Air has been paid million this year by ICE, according to federal spending records. The previous contractor, CSI Aviation of New Mexico, was paid 6 million by ICE's removals division since 2010, when ICE privatized its flights.When the plane landed in Houston, about 30 Salvadoran immigrants were already on board, flown in from Alexandria, Louisiana, an ICE Air hub. They peered out the windows as the plane sat on the tarmac.Two buses arrived, carrying 45 men and five women. Their few belongings were in red mesh bags that workers sorted on the tarmac.Officers checked each detainee before letting them board, a process that took about 20 minutes.According to the agency, 29 of the 50 people who boarded the plane in Houston had been arrested on criminal charges, including four who were wanted in El Salvador for attempted murder or homicide, the agency said.The remaining 21 were considered non-criminal, meaning they were being deported for immigration violations. Twenty of the 50 had been deported before.ICE would not let AP reporters view the inside of the plane, but officials said the flights are orderly and quiet. A meal is served, and a doctor is on board. But all detainees — even those considered non-criminal — remain shackled until the plane lands."We try and be as humane as we can with everything that we do," Contreras said. "We try to make them safe. We want to make sure that not one individual does anything wrong." 5009

In a state that has had instances of young black men being shot by police while handling a BB gun, one officer in Ohio was thankful he did not pull the trigger on an 11-year-old he spotted carrying a BB gun. According to the Columbus Division of Police, Officer Peter Casuccio was dispatched to a scene on Saturday to a gun run. When he arrived, Casuccio found an 11-year-old carrying a BB gun as he was walking with a 13-year-old companion. At the scene, Casuccio expressed his frustration that he nearly shot the unidentified 11-year-old. The exchange was captured on Casuccio's police-issued body camera. "This is getting kids killed all over the country," Casuccio said.Casuccio explained to the boy that police got a call of a boy matching the 11-year-old's description holding a gun. "I didn't show anybody it,' I was just holding it like this," the boy said."You can't do that," the officer responded. "That thing looks real.""Do you think I want to shoot an 11-year-old? Do you think I want to shoot a 13-year-old? Do I honestly look like the kind of dude who wants to shoot anybody?" Casuccio said. "But do I look like the type of dude who would shoot somebody?"The boys respond, "Yes, sir." Casuccio then explains the incident to the 11-year-old's mother. "I pulled up and I’m not gonna lie, I drew down on them. He freaks out and he starts to pull the gun out of his waistband," the officer told the mother. "He could have shot you for that, you know that?” the mother could be heard saying. "He dropped it real fast, and I didn't know it was a BB gun until hit the sidewalk," Casuccio said.In recent years, Ohio has had several notable instances of police shooting young black men carrying BB guns as officers believed the weapons were real. Some of those incidents have led to protests in those respective communities. On Aug. 5, 2014, 22-year-old John Crawford III was fatally wounded after he was seen inside a Walmart in Beavercreek, Ohio carrying a BB gun. Officers Sean Williams and David Darkow were not criminally charged in connection to Crawford's death. Three months later in Cleveland, 12-year-old Tamir Rice was seen in a park "pointing a pistol" at people in the park. In the call to police, the witness did state that the weapon was "probably fake." Moments later, Officer Timothy Loehmann fatally wounded Rice. Loehmann was not criminally charged in Rice's death, but was later fired in 2017 after Cleveland Police discovered that he had lied on his job application. The City of Cleveland paid the Rice family a million settlement. In 2016 in Columbus, the same department Casuccio works for, Tyre King, 13, was shot and killed in the back by Officer Bryan Mason after police said King brandished an air gun. Mason was reportedly investigating a robbery at the time of the incident. A grand jury declined to charge Mason criminally for the shooting. There is a pending lawsuit by King's family against the City of Columbus.  3153

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