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SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — California wants to give more benefits to people living in the country illegally as lawmakers in the state Senate advanced a 4 billion spending proposal Wednesday that would expand health coverage and tax credits for immigrants.The proposal would let low-income immigrants living in the country illegally get government-funded health coverage if they are 65 and older or between the ages of 19 and 25.The Senate's budget writing-panel also agreed to let some people who don't have Social Security numbers qualify for the state's earned income tax credit — a program for the poor that boosts people's tax refunds. The credit would apply to people who have an individual tax identification number, which includes immigrants in the country legally and illegally."These are people who are working, who are paying taxes," Senate Budget Committee chairwoman Holly Mitchell, D-Los Angeles, said. "That's a population we ought not leave behind."Some Republicans have opposed the proposals, especially since the state is also considering imposing a tax penalty on people in the country legally who refuse to purchase health insurance. But they likely don't have the votes to stop it.The proposals build on the spending plan Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom released earlier this year that would extend Medi-Cal eligibility to young adults and double the tax credit to ,000 for every family with at least one child under the age of 6, making about 3 million households eligible to receive it.Newsom's proposal did not include expanding eligibility for the tax credit to immigrants. It's unclear how much money that would cost.Newsom wanted to pay for the expanded tax credit by selectively conforming California's tax code with portions of the tax changes President Donald Trump signed into law in 2017. That would have generated about .7 billion in new revenue for the state, mostly from businesses taxes.The Senate rejected those tax changes."We've just got to figure out where else to get that money from," Mitchell said.The Senate proposal is the first indication how the Democratic-controlled legislature will react to Newsom, who took office in January. The Assembly plans to finalize its budget proposal on Friday, which trigger negotiations with the Newsom administration.Lawmakers must pass a budget by June 15. If they don't, state law requires them to forfeit their salaries.The Senate plan does not deviate much from Newsom's proposal, adopting his revenue projections that include a .5 billion surplus.The Senate plan rejects a proposed new tax on most residential water bills to pay for drinking water improvements. Instead, they opted to use 0 million of existing tax dollars to help some struggling public water systems make improvements.In 2017, more than 450 public water systems covering more than half a million people failed to comply with safety standards. That number doesn't include people who use private wells or public systems with fewer than 15 connections, which are not regulated by the state.Newsom has argued for the tax, saying it would protect the money by making it harder for lawmakers to divert the spending elsewhere. But lawmakers from both parties have balked at implementing a new tax while the state has a projected surplus of .5 billion.Still, some Republicans were wary the tax could return once Democratic leaders conclude their budget negotiations next month."My issue is trust," said Sen. Jim Nielsen, R-Gerber. "Republicans have been duped, at their political peril, by placing and misplacing their trust." 3590

Rev. Dr. Monica Cummings doesn’t have to look far from her Kenosha, Wisconsin church to see the damage left by protests that turned violent after the police shooting of Jacob Blake.“Our church shares a property line with the car dealership that was destroyed by fire," Cummings said.Flames spared the Bradford Community Church, but in Kenosha, it's easy to see what wasn't.Bradford's lead pastor, Erik Carlson, sees why.“The anger that produced these demonstrations doesn’t come from a vacuum. It comes from problems in our society dating back in cases hundreds of years that we have not addressed," Carlson said.Carlson is a Unitarian Universalist minister. His sermons are often are about bringing diverse ideas together."We’re not as much united by a specific idea of God, as much as we are netted around a commitment to positive social change and to the idea that we are charged with bringing love into this world," Carlson explained.It’s a faith fit for a city wounded by issues of race and equality.“The church can play a role in terms of having a partnership with the police department, in terms of bringing the community and police together," Cummings said. “It’s a challenge, how to interact with someone who represents a group of people who have historically oppressed you, who have historically traumatized you. How do you engage in an interaction with an individual without being defensive?”Cummings says she also understands the trauma police officers endure, too."Police have trauma, as well. There is no way they could do their job day in and day out without their mental health suffering," she said.Society has many views on how to police, protest, and pray. In this Kenosha church, diversity in race and viewpoints are welcome in finding a path beyond the heartbreak."We don’t like destruction of property, but we understand and appreciate the pain that it comes from," Carlson said. "We rather lose our building and 100 buildings than lose another life to police violence.” 1999

Rudy Giuliani's assertion to CNN this week that President Donald Trump can't be indicted by the special counsel, and thus can't face a subpoena, banks on a series of internal Justice Department policies.The question to this day is untested in the court system. Yet the step-by-step process Robert Mueller or any special counsel could follow for a President under investigation has several possible outcomes.According to several legal experts, historical memos and court filings, this is how the Justice Department's decision-making on whether to indict a sitting president could play out:First, there must be suspicion or allegations of a crime. Did the President do something criminally wrong? If the answer is no, there would be no investigation.But if the answer is maybe, that puts federal investigators on the pursuit. If they find nothing, Justice Department guidelines say they'd still need to address their investigation in a report summarizing their findings.If there could be some meat to the allegations, the Justice Department would need to determine one of two things: Did the potentially criminal actions take place unrelated to or before to the presidency? Or was the President's executive branch power was crucial in the crime?That determination will come into play later, because Congress' power to impeach and remove a president from office was intended by the framers of the Constitution to remedy abuse of the office, legal scholars say.Perhaps, though, the special counsel decides there's enough evidence to prove that the President broke the law.That's where the Office of Legal Counsel opinions come in.In 1973 and 2000, the office, which defines Justice Department internal procedure, said an indictment of a sitting president would be too disruptive to the country. This opinion appears to be binding on the Justice Department's decision-making, though it's possible for Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein to choose to override the opinion, give Mueller permission to ignore it and take it to court, or ask the office to reexamine the issue by writing a new opinion.This sort of legal briefing has been done before, like in the year after the 1973 opinion, when then-special prosecutor Leon Jaworski wrote a Watergate-era memo describing why the President should not be above the law.Of course, there's another immediate option if a special counsel finds the President did wrong. Prosecutors could use the "unindicted co-conspirator" approach. This would involve the special counsel's office indicting a group of conspirators, making clear the President was part of the conspiracy without bringing charges against him.At any time, in theory, a special counsel could decide to delay an indictment until the President leaves office -- so as not to interfere with the functioning of the executive branch. The other options would be to drop the case or send an impeachment referral to Congress. As evidenced by Mueller's actions previously in the investigations of Trump's personal attorney Michael Cohen and former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, any steps this special counsel takes will likely come with the full support of the acting attorney general on the matter, Rosenstein.The question of whether a President could be subpoenaed is a story for another day. 3303

Russell Crowe is sharing mementos from his marriage -- for a price.The actor hosted a divorce-themed auction in Sydney on Saturday, which also happens to be his birthday and wedding anniversary.As part of the auction by Sotheby's Australia, Crowe parted with an eclectic mix of items and movie souvenirs collected during his nine-year marriage to Danielle Spencer. The couple called it quits in 2012.Items on sale included his leather jockstrap and midnight blue satin boxers, along with art, watches, diamond rings and a Mercedes Benz. The jockstrap sold for ,000, according to Sotheby's Australia.The auction, aptly titled "The Art of Divorce," featured a poster of a tuxedo-clad Crowe, holding a cocktail glass in a toast. It was streamed live on Facebook.Hundreds of items up for grabs had descriptions of their role in the Academy-winning actor's personal or movie life."One of Russell Crowe's personal cars, this vehicle also served as one of the wedding cars on the day of his marriage to Danielle Spencer on 7 April 2003," a note next to the Mercedes says.The movie paraphernalia included a replica Roman chariot from the "Gladiator" and a leather sketchbook used by Crowe's character in "3:10 to Yuma." Crowe donned the boxers and the jockstrap in the 2005 film, "Cinderella Man."Items on sale were not limited to movie or wedding mementos. They also included Rolex watches, landscape art, ice skates, cricket jerseys, motorcycles?and a whole lot more.Crowe tweeted that the auction raked in .7 million in five hours."A bunch of stuff I didn't really want to sell coming home ... not a bad hourly rate for a 5-hour shift," he tweeted.Crowe and Spencer have two children. 1701

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — The California Assembly voted Thursday to cap the interest lenders may charge on loans that can carry rates spiraling into the triple digits.Backed by civil rights groups, religious organizations and some trade associations, the proposed law would cap annual rates at around 38% for loans between ,500 and ,000.The bill comes as legislators across the country seek to reign in a storefront lending industry critics accuse of preying on low-income consumers in need of cash and trapping them under mounds of debt for years.But even as the bill advanced, some California lawmakers expressed concern that it will limit choices for consumers with bad credit or little access to banks and other financial products. And the lending industry, which wields significant influence in legislatures as well as in Washington, has launched an advertising campaign in California attacking the bill as it heads to the state Senate, where observers expect a tougher fight.Proponents of capping interest rates point to an explosion in high-interest consumer loans around the state over the last decade.The state already caps interest rates on consumer loans under ,500 but not for amounts over that threshold. In 2009, 8,468 loans for amounts between ,500 and ,000 came with interest rates over 100%, according to data from state regulators. Lenders now issue more than 350,000 loans each year with interest rates in the triple digits. A legislative analysis said at least one out of three borrowers is unable to pay their loans.But proposals to cap interest rates in recent years have faltered at California's Legislature. Several lawmakers still expressed concern about the latest proposal, suggesting it could drive lenders out of the market, pushing consumers with low incomes toward unregulated lenders or cutting off their easy access to capital."Without these alternative financial service providers, those folks would have nowhere else to go," said Democratic Assemblywoman Sydney Kamlager-Dove of Los Angeles.Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon dismissed arguments the bill would ultimately harm low-income residents."Those are merely talking points of an industry that has repeatedly lied to members of this chamber," he said.Casting the bill as a moral issue, the Democrat said the legislation can be considered as important as any other lawmakers will vote on this year in the country's most populous state.The bill ended up passing with bipartisan support as one Republican legislator cited religious prohibitions on usury."I'm a free-market capitalist and I'm unashamed of it but we need to stand up and protect people who are being preyed upon," said Assemblyman Jordan Cunningham of San Luis Obispo.The support of the financial industry this year, too, may also signal that the sector foresees a reckoning in the state or at least further political uncertainty if lawmakers do not approve limits for loans between ,500 and ,000.The California Supreme Court cast a legal question mark last year over the lending industry's practices, deciding in one class action lawsuit that some interest rates can be so high as to be deemed unconscionable under financial laws.Democratic Assemblywoman Monique Limon of Santa Barbara, the bill's author, also suggested that an interest rate cap could end up on the ballot if the Legislature does not act.If passed, California would join 38 states and the District of Columbia in capping interest rates for these types of loans, according to a legislative analysis. The level proposed in California would be on the higher end.Observers expect a bigger political fight when the bill heads to the state Senate, however.Opponents of the bill have launched an advertising campaign aimed at stopping it.The trade group Online Lenders Alliance has bought ads on Sacramento television stations, according to Federal Communication Commission filings.A group calling itself Don't Lock Me Out California has also bought online ads attacking the bill. 4018

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